It has become popular in certain circles to claim that the Communist Party, U.S.A., is mellowing and that it is no longer attached to the revolutionary teachings of V. I. Lenin, the founder of the CPSU and the Communist International. The Worker of January 25, 1966, inferentially, contradicts this theory, in an article by William Weinstone, leading Communist theoretician. Weinstone's article is a laudatory review of Lenin's book "The Revolutionary Phrase,' published by Progress Publishers in Moscow.58

The 1966 draft program of the CPUSA pays tribute to Lenin as "foremost Communist leader and thinker of this century," upon whom it relied for its analysis of imperialism.59

The CPUSA sees eye to eye with the CPSU on policy toward the struggle in Vietnam. The Worker of April 5, 1966, page 4, featured excerpts from the speech of Leonid Brezhnev, first secretary of the Soviet Communist Party delivered, at its XXIII Congress in Moscow. Here are some of them:

In flagrant violation of the Geneva agreements, the United States has piratically attacked the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and is waging a bloody war against the people of South Vietnam ***

By its aggression in Vietnam the United States has covered itself with shame which it will never live down***

Put an end to U.S. aggression in Vietnam, withdraw all U.S. and other foreign troops from South Vietnam *** accept the position set forth by the government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam as a basis for the settlement of the Vietnam problem.

The 1966 program of the CPUSA speaks in a similar vein, for example:

At this writing U.S. military aggression in Vietnam represents the most clear and present danger to world peace. The supreme challenge of the moment, in the fight for world peace, is to halt U.S. aggression, to end U.S. military occupation of South Vietnam.60

In carrying out its mandate from Moscow, the CPUSA through its official organ, The Worker, has openly, though impliedly, encouraged mutiny among American troops. This was accomplished by an article which reported with much objectivity the alleged, and possibly apocryphal, refusal of three U.S. soldiers to fight in Vietnam. The flavor of the article is epitomized in the passage below:

THREE SOLDIERS REFUSE TO FIGHT IN "ILLEGAL, IMMORAL WAR" Three U.S. soldiers last week refused to fight in Vietnam and denounced the U.S. intervention there as an "immoral, illegal" and "undeclared" war. They compared the war in Vietnam to the genocidal war of Adolf Hitler's Third Reich. They declared that their refusal to board a troop transport ship for Vietnam was in keeping with the findings of the Nuremberg trials which ruled that a soldier could not absolve himself from war crimes on the excuse that he was under orders.

58 The Worker, Jan. 25, 1966, p. 5. 59 The Worker, Mar. 15, 1966, p. 6. 60 The Worker, Mar. 22, 1966, p. 6. 1 July 10, 1966, p. 10.

CONCLUSIONS

Despite the CPUSA's protests against being referred to as an agent of a foreign power, and despite the alleged dissolution of the Communist International in 1943, there is good reason to believe that the apparatus and the disciplinary practices established in 1919 have not been discarded but remain and continue in a more flexible, more secretive form. [Totalitarians do not readily scrap an international power apparatus built painstakingly over a period of nearly half a century.]

Individuals in the CPUSA, imbued over the years with a fanatical loyalty to Moscow, are likely to welcome the retention of the Communist International apparatus, even though in modified form. In fact, they may find the atmosphere of secrecy and evasion particularly attractive.

The numerous evidences of the continuing relationship of the CPUSA as a tool and a pawn of the Soviet Communist Party which have been described previously are summarized below.

First, there are the many statements of mutual loyalty made by leaders of both the CPSU and the CPUSA which are to be found in the Communist press of both countries.

A study of the policies of both these two Communist parties will disclose significant incidence of agreement between them. The record is clear that it is the CPUSA which follows the lead of the Soviet party. In the cold war which Russia is conducting against the United States, the CPUSA functions as an organic part of the Soviet war machine. Some members of the CPUSA are actually employed in the Communist apparatus in the Soviet Union.

Past testimony of ex-Communists has disclosed that Moscow has on numerous occasions furnished large sums of money to assist projects carried out by the CPUSA. There is reason to believe that this practice continues to prevail through intricate banking devices.

American Communist officials have been accorded the use of Soviet radio, television, and press and have been welcomed on these occasions as distinguished Americans speaking for the American people.

Leading members of the CPUSA have received medical treatment in the Soviet Union. If they died in the Soviet Union, they have been honored with elaborate funerals in which the Soviet hierarchy has participated.

American Communist spokesmen have participated in extensive speaking tours throughout the United States after returning from congresses of the Soviet party.

Articles from the American Communist press are translated and printed in the Soviet press.

Leading members of the CPUSA have written for Soviet publications, while the works of leading members of the CPSU have been featured in the American Communist press.

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Conventions of the CPUSA have received enthusiastic greetings from the CPSU and CPSU Congresses have received similar greetings from the CPUSA.

Topflight leaders of the CPUSA have attended and participated actively in congresses of the CPSU. These congresses have furnished convenient occasions for consultation and advice to American party leaders.

American Communist functionaries have been present at Communist meetings in Moscow while the United States was being denounced and have joined in the denunciation.

In the current dispute between Soviet Communist leaders and the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party, CPUSA spokesmen have consistently supported the Russian party.

Many American Communists have been trained in the Soviet Union in espionage, subversion, military tactics, and the use of violence in mass movements. One of the basic teachings in these training schools is the denigration of American patriotism.

In lending itself to the practices described above, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in control of the Soviet Government has flagrantly violated the pledge signed by its representative, Maxim Litvinoff, on November 16, 1933. The text of this pledge was conveyed in a letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, as the price for U.S. recognition of the U.S.S.R.62

The Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs (Litvinov) to President Roosevelt

WASHINGTON, November 16, 1933.

MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I am very happy to inform you that the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is glad to establish normal diplomatic relations with the Government of the United States and to exchange ambassadors.

I, too, share the hope that the relations now established between our peoples may forever remain normal and friendly, and that our nations henceforth may cooperate for their mutual benefit and for the preservation of the peace of the world.

I am [etc.]

MAXIM LITVINOFF.

The Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs (Litvinov) to President Roosevelt

WASHINGTON, November 16, 1933.

MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I have the honor to inform you that coincident with the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two Governments it will be the fixed policy of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics:

1. To respect scrupulously the indisputable right of the United States to order its own life within its own jurisdiction in its own way and to refrain from interfering in any manner in the internal affairs of the United States, its territories or possessions.

2. To refrain, and to restrain all persons in Government service and all organizations of the Government or under its direct or indirect control, including the organizations in receipt of any financial assistance from it, from any act overt or covert liable in any way whatsoever to injure the tranquillity, prosperity, order, or security of the whole or any part of the United States, its territories or possessions, and in particular, from any act tending to incite or encourage armed intervention, or any agitation or propaganda having as an aim, the violation of the territorial integrity of the United States, its territories or possessions, or the bringing about by force of a change in the political or social order of the whole or any part of the United States, its territories or possessions.

3. Not to permit the formation or residence on its territory of any organization or group and to prevent the activity on its territory of any organization or

62 Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic papers. The Soviet Union 1933-39 (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952).

group, or of representatives or officials of any organization or group-which makes claim to be the Government of, or makes attempt upon the territorial integrity of, the United States, its territories or possessions; not to form, subsidize, support or permit on its territory military organizations or groups having the aim of armed struggle against the United States, its territories or possessions, and to prevent any recruiting on behalf of such organizations and groups.

4. Not to permit the formation or residence on its territory of any organization or group and to prevent the activity on its territory of any organization or group, or of representatives or officials of any organization or group—which has as an aim the overthrow or the preparation for the overthrow of, or the bringing about by force of a change in, the political or social order of the whole or any part of the United States, its territories or possessions. MAXIM LITVINOFF.

I am [etc.]

President Roosevelt to the Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs (Litvinov)

WASHINGTON, November 16, 1933.

MY DEAR MR. LITVINOV: I am glad to have received the assurance expressed in your note to me of this date that it will be the fixed policy of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics:

[Here follows repetition of the four numbered paragraphs in Mr. Litvinov's note printed supra.]

It will be the fixed policy of the Executive of the United States within the limits of the powers conferred by the Constitution and the laws of the United States to adhere reciprocally to the engagements above expressed.

I am [etc.]

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.