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lands. We just as vigorously declare our friendship to the Communists and people of the Soviet Union and other lands, and hold that the advocacy of such friendship is in the interest of peace and progress for the American people."a

Oakley Johnson has been identified under oath as a Communist Party member by two former CP members, Edwin P. Banta (before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on September 15, 1938) and John Lautner (before the House Committee on Un-American Activities on April 11, 1957). Johnson took the fifth amendment before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee on December 17, 1958, in refusing to answer all questions put to him regarding his Communist Party membership. Johnson was a speaker at the 50th anniversary of the Moscow Pravda.50 He was assistant professor at the Moscow Institute of Foreign Languages during his stay in the U.S.S.R. from 1935 to 1937.51

40 The Foreign Agent, p. 31.

50 Worker, Aug. 28, 1962, p. 5.

1 Sunday Worker, Nov. 7, 1937, p. 11, magazine section. Daily Worker, Jan. 7, 1941, p. 3.


The Soviet press has given editorial prominence to the activities of the Communist Party, U.S.A. The Moscow Pravda 51a devoted a full page (4,100 words) to the 18th Convention of the CPUSA. The layout included brief_articles by leading American Communists, including Gus Hall, Joseph North, Henry Winston, and Bettina Aptheker, interspersed with comments by leading Soviet journalists. 52

The 18th convention of the CPUSA was considered by Moscow to be so important that it was covered and supervised by two Pravda correspondents: S. Vishnevsky and N. Kurdyumov. Their articles on the subject appeared in Pravda for June 26, 1966, on page 4.53

According to page 4 of the Pravda of May 4, 1966, Henry Winston, head of the U.S. Communist Party delegation to the CPSU Congress, was the guest of the Moscow Young Pioneers, a Communist youth organization. The CPUSA delegation was "cordially greeted by Pravda of February 7, 1966, as it left Moscow" 54

CPUSA National Committeeman Henry Winston was the subject of a stage-managed demonstration in Moscow as described by Art Shields in The Worker:

Six thousand men and women in the Kremlin's Palace of Congresses applauded an American Negro leader again and again as he denounced U.S. imperialism and Washington's dirty war in Vietnam.

The speaker was Henry Winston * * *

Winston had come to Moscow as the head of the U.S. Communist Party's fraternal delegation to the Soviet Communist Congress. The day he spoke also happened to be his 55th birthday.55

The draft of the new program of the Communist Party, U.S.A., was reported approvingly by Pravda of March 23, 1966, page 5.56

Moscow's keen interest in the proceedings of the 18th convention of the CPUSA can be well understood in the light of the fact that in past years conventions of the CPUSA could be held only with Moscow's permission. For example, the Daily Worker of October 15, 1924, published the "Decisions of the Workers' Party (later known as the Communist Party, U.S.A.) Central Executive Committee," which read in part as follows: "The CEC (Central Executive Committee) authorized a request to the Communist International (with headquarters in Moscow) for permission to hold an annual convention of the Workers' Party some time during the month of January." With this procedure as a precedent it is reasonable to believe that Moscow permission to hold the 18th convention of the CPUSA was secured by the delegates who went to Moscow prior to the convention. Arnold Johnson, who was Gus Hall's traveling companion and press agent during their trip to the Soviet Union, also has spoken frankly

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about the CPUSA's primary devotion to the Soviet Union. In a directive which appeared in 1958, in Party Voice, Johnson wrote as follows: 56a

On March 31, the Soviet Union announced that it had called a halt to all tests of nuclear weapons and asked the United States and Great Britain to do the same. This historic action by the Soviet Union was welcome news to the people of the United States *** Nobody can seriously consider the Soviet decision to halt testing as a propaganda device.

The Soviet decision to halt testing nuclear weapons is of great historic meaning and marks a decisive turn in the struggle for peace.

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We must constantly, in discussions and literature, help to clarify issues, differences between the Soviet Union and our Government, the maneuvers of U.S. imperialism aimed at preventing a summit conference, etc.

We must forthrightly and continuously emphasize the role of the Soviet Union and the Socialist countries as the chief world force for peace.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has expressed its complete satisfaction with the conduct of its American pawn, the Communist Party of the United States, in a cabled greeting to the latter's 18th national convention. The cablegram said:

In face of brutal persecution by the reactionary forces, the Communist Party of the United States of America, expressing the Socialist ideals of the working class and all working people of the country, is courageously struggling for the vital interests of the American working people, in defense of democracy, against monopoly, capital oppression, and omnipotence.

The U.S. Communists demonstrate their devotion to proletarian duty by their day-to-day participation in the class actions of the working people, by their program of active struggle against poverty, unemployment, and other social evils, by their untiring fight against shameful racial discrimination, for real equality for the Negro people, for the unity of all progressive and left forces in the Nation. True to proletarian internationalism and their patriotic duty, the Communists of the United States of America along with broad social forces emphatically oppose the dirty, shameful war that U.S. imperialism is carrying on in Vietnam, and demand that the United States stop its interference in the internal affairs of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and other countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and the rights of all nations to independent development be respected. They are struggling for a fundamental change in U.S. foreign policy, to avert a world war, for a policy of peaceful coexistence between countries with different social systems.

Soviet people profoundly sympathize with the struggle of the Communist Party of the United States of America for friendship between the peoples of the United States of America and the U.S.S.R., which can make an important contribution toward strengthening world peace.

The Communist Party of the United States of America has won the deep respect of Communists of all countries by its principled struggle in defense of the scientific theory of Marxism-Leninism, by its consistent effort to strengthen the unity of the world Communist movement.57

Political Affairs, the monthly theoretical organ of the Communist Party, U.S.A., habitually carries frequent articles dealing favorably with the Soviet Union. Examples culled from 1965 issues include:

"Peaceful Coexistence and the Soviet Union" (March, p. 62);
"Soviet Agriculture" (April, p. 42);

"The Soviet Judicial System" (August, p. 58);
"U.S.S.R., Bulwark of Peace" (November, p. 1);

"Economic Changes in the Socialist Countries" (November, p. 11);

"Anti-Soviet Myths Refuted" (December, p. 60).

56 Official organ of the New York State Committee of the Communist Party. 47 The Worker, June 28, 1966, p. 5.

It has become popular in certain circles to claim that the Communist Party, U.S.A., is mellowing and that it is no longer attached to the revolutionary teachings of V. I. Lenin, the founder of the CPSU and the Communist International. The Worker of January 25, 1966, inferentially, contradicts this theory, in an article by William Weinstone, leading Communist theoretician. Weinstone's article is a laudatory review of Lenin's book "The Revolutionary Phrase," published by Progress Publishers in Moscow.58

The 1966 draft program of the CPUSA pays tribute to Lenin as "foremost Communist leader and thinker of this century," upon whom it relied for its analysis of imperialism.59

The CPUSA sees eye to eye with the CPSU on policy toward the struggle in Vietnam. The Worker of April 5, 1966, page 4, featured excerpts from the speech of Leonid Brezhnev, first secretary of the Soviet Communist Party delivered, at its XXIII Congress in Moscow. Here are some of them:

In flagrant violation of the Geneva agreements, the United States has piratically attacked the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and is waging a bloody war against the people of South Vietnam * * *

By its aggression in Vietnam the United States has covered itself with shame which it will never live down ***

Put an end to U.S. aggression in Vietnam, withdraw all U.S. and other foreign troops from South Vietnam *** accept the position set forth by the government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam as a basis for the settlement of the Vietnam problem.

The 1966 program of the CPUSA speaks in a similar vein, for example:

At this writing U.S. military aggression in Vietnam represents the most clear and present danger to world peace. The supreme challenge of the moment, in the fight for world peace, is to halt U.S. aggression, to end U.S. military occupation of South Vietnam.60

In carrying out its mandate from Moscow, the CPUSA through its official organ, The Worker, has openly, though impliedly, encouraged mutiny among American troops. This was accomplished by an article which reported with much objectivity the alleged, and possibly apocryphal, refusal of three U.S. soldiers to fight in Vietnam. The flavor of the article is epitomized in the passage below:


Three U.S. soldiers last week refused to fight in Vietnam and denounced the U.S. intervention there as an "immoral, illegal" and "undeclared" war. They compared the war in Vietnam to the genocidal war of Adolf Hitler's Third Reich. They declared that their refusal to board a troop transport ship for Vietnam was in keeping with the findings of the Nuremberg trials which ruled that a soldier could not absolve himself from war crimes on the excuse that he was under orders.

ss The Worker, Jan. 25, 1966, p. 5. 59 The Worker, Mar. 15, 1966, p. 6. 60 The Worker, Mar. 22, 1966, p. 6. 41 July 10, 1966, p. 10.

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