The opinion of the leaders of the movement as to the future of Japanese socialism is shown in the following extract. In 1900, writing of the work done in three years preceding, Mr. Katayama wrote:

"We have done much, although our strength is feeble. We have moved the Eastern world to see the necessity of adopting socialism to better the condition of our people, which is so corrupted and degraded. Even political parties have adopted the principle as being the best one for reform. We have led in every phase of social activity; we have started the co-operative movement, and it has taken deep root among our working people. Only in the last session of the Diet the law was approved by the two Houses. We have helped to found a People's Bank, and now the first one has a good and reputable standing with nearly ten thousand working people depositors."

In 1901 he wrote: "Socialism will become a ruling motive in our country, as it is spreading so rapidly throughout the land. The voices of opposition raised by social political leaders have faded away. The so-called industrial revolution has made great strides in our society, and social conditions have so changed that they are admirably suited to the steady growth of socialism. . . We can predict the future by what we see now, and this is why the growth of socialism in our country will be faster than in conservative England, and will lead the Far East in this great movement."

...

The future movement will be largely political, at least this seems to be the opinion of Mr. Katayama.

"It may easily be foreseen," he says, "that as time goes on, the future aspect of the problem in Japan will be one of closer connection with political movements, for the police regulations now in force are not so severe with regard to political activities as they are towards labour movements. While the formation of a labour society is a difficult matter at present, there is no difficulty in organizing

a political party. Under these circumstances there is a natural tendency on the part of the labouring classes to come together under the banners of a political party in their attempts to make any movement under collective bodies, and gradually labour associations will be turned into political parties. Moreover, there is a strong reason for this tendency. This is the increasing influence of socialism amongst the working classes, who have already begun to adopt its principles. In order to obtain its objects, socialism will have to gain political support. In future movements, more efforts should be made in demanding a system of universal suffrage than in trying to bring about an increase of wages. A general agitation on a much greater scale, for demanding political power, should be more encouraged than isolated strikes for reducing the hours of the working day. All future movements must be of a political character, and the working classes should unite under a great political party with the object of counteracting the influence of the capitalists. No isolated movement against any particular capitalist or employer is to be recommended; on the contrary, it must be a contest of the masses against the classes. These are the methods, I think, which ought to be adopted in relation to the problems of the future, and by them alone can the difficult question be solved."

So much for the Socialist view of the future. The Japan Times, writing on the subject, presents another aspect. "It seems to us," it says, "that socialistic doctrines may spread among us, and may possibly benefit us in various ways, but are not likely to lead to popular agitations of a character inimical to public order and tranquillity. If anything tends to promote the growth of such dangers, it may possibly be, as it is to be feared, cases of unnecessary official interference." So it would seem as if both sides are united upon the one point that violence, and especially individual violence, is to be deprecated by both parties.

The political future of socialism depends largely upon the extension of the franchise, and universal suffrage is the important plank in the platform of the Social Democratic Party. The Socialist leaders would, however, do well to reflect upon the advisability of giving the full franchise to men whom they themselves admit are not ready even to recognize the full value of labour unions, nor are ready to join them and support them regularly.

There is no doubt that socialism in Japan will grow and develop mightily, but it is certain also that it must become a vastly different movement there than in other countries. In this it would be only following out the example set in almost every other branch of national life. Unless the Socialists of Japan can manage to intermingle a considerable amount of loyalty and devotion to the Emperor and to the country into their doctrines, it is certain that there is little hope for any wider extension of the movement. The leaders, however, are shrewd men, as has been shown by their adoption of politics rather than useless agitation amongst the lower classes, and they are not the sort of men to run their heads against brick walls. To all Japanese, Socialists as well as others, the Emperor and the country must precede all else; and it is this development of socialism in Japan into a fundamental force for government efficiency wherein lies its interest to the Western world.

CHAPTER XIII

THE ARMY AND THE NAVY

IN a country where patriotism and universal sacrifice for the welfare of the fatherland play the predominant part, it is inevitable that the question of national defence should be treated in a competent manner. Theoretically, the army system of Japan is based upon conscription, but in practice it is the highest form of voluntary service. Conscription is, in the minds of the British and Americans, indissolubly bound up with constraint-an impression strengthened by the disinclination of the conscripts on the European continent to serve their country in the ranks. In Japan there is none of that side of conscription. The Japanese look upon it as a privilege to be allowed to receive such training as will enable them to adequately defend Japan in all emergencies. Japanese conscription is rather a means of the selection of the fittest than a system to compel citizens to serve. Every Japanese knows it to be his duty, as well as a highly prized privilege, to serve his time in the army or the navy. There are none of the hundred and one drawbacks which too often mar the system of compulsory service. In Japan the duty of service would be felt more compulsory were there no conscription law and no regulations for calling up year by year those available for military service. And in the development of this spirit lies one of the greatest of all lessons for countries owning free institutions and anxious to maintain their right of independent progress.

There is a duty which every citizen owes to his State which should lead him to desire the chance of fitting himself to defend his native soil. In conscription such as this there is no disgrace, no ignominy. Only those who are perforce rejected as the least fit can feel shame, in that an unkind nature has not gifted them to serve their country in the field. In any nation filled by such a recognition of the duty and privilege of citizenship there would be small need of polemic discussions as to whether the country could or could not be invaded-there would be no doubt as to its security. It is the duty of all, say the Japanese, who see into the future clear-sightedly, to urge the development of this patriotic spirit, which lies latent in the breast of every citizen. Who would doubt that, in the case of invasion, all the manhood of the country would spring to arms to repel the menace? But surely the offer of amateur, untrained devotion is a much less thing than the achievement of efficiency in readiness whenever the call to service may come. Physically the benefit is enormous, morally it is no less so, and the nation is enabled to reach its true level of complete self-confidence and strength. It is no alien idea which is suggested by the example of Japan; it is an instinct in humanity which requires to be called forth and developed along lines of practical patriotism. In Japan may be seen this ideal form of national servicea nation in arms, and educated to make the best use of those arms. It is not necessary to dwell upon technical details, intelligible only to the military or naval student; these follow of themselves, provided the central idea, the national impulse, be right. When a nation shall have reached the point where every citizen feels it his duty and privilege to be trained in arms for the defence of the fatherland, and is educated to understand the real significance of this service, it will become a greater, saner, and more efficient people.

The Japanese system is purely patriotic, and thus the