three stages of evolution: First, they pass through the stage of imitation. At this period they imitate everything that comes from a foreign source, and, I might say, they blindly copy. But after some years of imitation they arrive at a stage of adaption; then at last they reach the stage of origination. These three stages are clearly shown by our history, if we only examine into the inner workings of the Japanese mind."

Less confident peoples hesitate to adopt new ideas, fearing they may shake the solidity of the national structure: the Japanese know that the national strength is capable of taking in everything that is good. The love of Japan held by her people is marred by no doubts that she may not be worthy of so much devotion. For Japanese patriotism is a belief founded upon a confidence which thousands of years of existence have developed.

Naturally there are, and have been, differences among the various sections of the Japanese nation, but they are ineffective when exposed to the binding force of patriotism. The nation is not rent by schisms and divisions, but is always unanimous on essentials, however factions may differ on details. All the leaders are inspired by the same moral ideas, by the same fervent aspirations for the national well-being. What is true of the nation at large is true also of the political element, which, under the constitution, assists in the guiding of the national destinies. Matters of vital importance are never made the sport of party politics.

Representative Government in Japan has been accompanied by many stormy scenes in the Lower House, and none were more violent than those before the outbreak of the Chinese War. But when that common danger threatened, from a position of absolute isolation the Government was at once supported by the whole of the opposition as well as by the entire nation. The members from most of

the constituencies came up with mandates enjoining them to use every effort to strengthen the hands of the Administration in the life-and-death struggle with a foreign foe. Almost every able editor in Japan strenuously advocated the same course. So it was that, at the very time when men boded, if not actual civil war, at least serious intestine commotions, from Kyushyu to Hokkaido, there was but one mind and will and purpose in the nation. Never before, since the opening of the country, had Japan presented such a united front.

A still more striking example was afforded by the action of the political parties after a coalition of European powers had been allowed by the Government to snatch away the fruits of victory obtained by that war. The nation was hurt to the heart, national pride had received a terrible insult, yet the progressive party in the Diet issued an important pronunciamento declaring that they, as the opposition, were with the Government on all matters of national importance. "The reason," they said, "why this country alone, among the nations of Asia, is able to maintain its position on an equal footing with the powers of Europe, is that it stands on a firm basis of morality. . . . Another reason is the fact that both the Government and the people have been united in the firm consciousness that the nation was waging a righteous war." In conclusion, the party urged strongly upon all patriotic citizens the necessity of harmony and disinterested cooperation to preserve peace and strengthen the Government at home, so as to present a united resistance to foreign enemies. "The situation in the East," they said, "is daily proving more and more serious, and it is imperatively necessary to unite the people and nourish our national strength."

War produces a strain upon a nation greater than any other single cause; but the war with China showed Japan as a united nation, and the war with Russia more than

maintained that reputation. The political parties coalesced and worked loyally for the good of the country. Vast sums of money were voted, with no opposition to the amounts demanded, even when the means of raising them met with criticism.

The beginning of the war saw the establishment of a special advisory council, composed of the elder statesmen, who were placed between the Emperor and the Cabinet to assist both with the results of their long experience. The Privy Council was made into a real council, and the hands of the Government were strengthened by the support of the leading statesmen of the country, co-operating regardless of party feelings.

In Japan, matters of foreign policy are not made the chance playthings of changing Governments. The foreign policy is a stable thing, continuous and far-reaching, and does not change with the administration. There has been serious consideration as to the advisability of continuing the Foreign Minister from one Cabinet to another, and though this has not yet been done, foreign policy is already a matter quite outside party influence or wrangling, and domestic matters are not mingled with, or allowed to influence, national affairs.

The elder statesmen and the younger politicians are at one on the necessity of co-operation for the advancement of national interests. The private union always existing makes national union and co-operation easy in times of emergency. Marquis Yamagata, speaking at the opening of the first session of Japan's Parliament, said: "It is our common object to maintain the independence and to extend the prestige of the country. The attainment of this object should not only never be lost sight of by the Government, but also all the subjects of the empire should, whatever changes may hereafter take place in the political world, work in harmony, and, uniting their different paths of progress, should advance along one and the same route,

to the end that they may not fail to attain eventually their common object."

Marquis Ito, Japan's greatest statesman, has never ceased from impressing on his countrymen the supreme necessity of unity. "In view of the duties it owes to the State," he says, "a political party ought to make it its primary object to devote its whole energies to the public weal. In order to improve and infuse life and vigour into the administrative machinery of the country, so as to enable it to keep up with the general progress of the nation, it is necessary that the administrative officials should be recruited, under a system of definite qualifications, from among capable men of proper attainments and experience, irrespective of whether they belong to a political party or not. It is absolutely necessary that caution should be taken to avoid falling into the fatal mistake of giving official posts to men of doubtful qualifications, simply because they belong to a particular political party. In considering the questions affecting the interests of local or other corporate bodies, the decision must always be guided by considerations of the general good of the public, and of the relative importance of those questions. In no case should the support of a political party be given for the promotion of any partial interests, in response to considerations of local connections or under the corrupt influences of interested persons. If a political party aims, as it should aim, at being a guide to the people, it must first commence with maintaining strict discipline and order in its own ranks, and, above all, with shaping its own conduct with an absolute and sincere devotion to the public interests of the country. . . . They should further try to avoid all unnecessary friction amongst themselves, or in their dealings with others, all such friction being likely to endanger the social fabric of the country. Above all, we must always place the national interests before the transient interests of a political party."

Before leaving this question of political unity it is reassuring to find that, while there is perfect co-operation and support of the Government in time of national danger, healthy opposition is maintained by the political parties in more opportune times. In the words of Marquis Saionji, a term is much in fashion in Japan in these days, which needs some description. That term is "kio-koku-itchi," or the united action of the nation. "It is the term most expressive of our patriotism, and as such it is naturally to be commended. It is a matter of course that in a crisis the nation must be united, as a political party must also be united. But we must be careful to understand the term in no negative sense. We must be united in action after fully understanding the situation and the measures to be adopted-intelligently and not ignorantly. To adopt blindly whatever the Government told is not true united action."

This was borne out by the resolution adopted by the Seiyukai, the political party of which the Marquis is the leader. This ran: "The present Cabinet having failed to properly conduct domestic as well as foreign affairs, thereby causing great anxiety in the minds of the people as to the future of the Constitutional Government, reason exists why this party should endeavour to make it clear on whom the responsibility for the mal-administration rests. But now that the Imperial Rescript declaring war has been issued and the State of affairs is such as the nation has never before witnessed, it is therefore resolved that the party, in view of the gravity of the situation, decide to postpone the solution of the unsettled questions till the arrival of a proper time, and not oppose the defrayment of the expenses necessary for the attainment of the object for which the war is being waged."

The educational system of the country is also made a great patriotic factor-the moral instructions taught from the Emperor's speech on education are intensely patriotic