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fields of scholarly and professional endeavor that also need able intellectual talent. From both these points of view then, it is desirable to provide a considerable number of undergraduate scholarships to students of the highest intellectual ability without reference to their preliminary choices of fields of study. By the end of his undergraduate career, each student should have a broad scholarly training and can be expected to have identified his field of special interest and competence. Not until then is it best to select from this pool of very able college graduates the smaller number of persons to be given postgraduate training in research.

Senator MAGNUSON. Dr. Tyler, your point there is that if there is provided opportunity for people of this type of intellect to go on, naturally there would fall into research work a sufficient number that meet our needs.

Dr. TYLER. A sufficient number to meet our needs, that is right, but if you set down the actual number needed at, say, 500 or 600 at the beginning of college and required those 18-year-old kids to determine whether they were then ready to go into research, it would not be wise.

The amount of scholarship and fellowship aid proposed by the Moe committee appears to be satisfactory both from the point of view of providing sufficient money to meet most of the expenses of the student and without making an unduly expensive program of Government subsidy. The application of the rates provided in Public Law 346 to the undergraduate scholarships, continue a precedent already established.

Senator MAGNUSON. What are those rates? Do you know?

Dr. TYLER. The present rates are $50 a month for the unmarried and $75 for the married. There is a proposal to increase it.

Senator MAGNUSON. The proposal now is $75 and $90.

Dr. TYLER. I should think, having established a rate that is reasonable for present living costs for one class of students, it would be applicable to the other.

Senator MAGNUSON. That is my point, too. You could hardly differentiate between one source from the Government and another source and have different rates.

Dr. TYLER. The larger amounts for graduate fellowships reflect both the increased responsibilities of older students and the competition with other financial inducements likely to be offered them. When a student graduates from college at 22, he is usually thinking of marriage at that time. He has some greater opportunity or inducement to go into some other line of work, and I think the benefits will have to be greater for the fellowship.

This emphasis upon financial assistance in the form of undergraduate scholarships and postgraduate fellowships is an important one because several investigations have shown that the untrained talent in our country is to a considerable degree due to lack of financial means for further education. For example, Learned and Wood' found that in 1928 in Pennsylvania there were at least 3,000 highschool graduates who were not able to go to college who had greater intellectual ability on the average than the 4,000 who were admitted to the liberal arts colleges of that State that year. In Minnesota, Anderson and Berning found that of the high-school graduates of

1 W. S. Learned and Ben D. Wood, the Student and His Knowledge. Carnegie Foundation, 1938. Anderson, G. L., and Berning, T. S., What Happens to High School Graduates. University of Minnesota, 1941.

1938 half of those who were in the highest 10 percent of ability were not able to go to college. In Kentucky, Davis 3 found that 49 percent of the upper quarter of the State's 16,000 high-school graduates in 1940 did not get to college. Toops studying the situation in Ohio, found that of the high-school graduates in 1935, 900 of the most able were unable to go to college. In all of these the economic factor loomed largest. The provision of scholarships covering tuition and living costs is the primary means for tapping this neglected intellectual talent and thus to provide a pool for selecting research personnel for further training.

A similar situation exists at the level of postgraduate instruction. The large majority of the most able students are unable to receive postgraduate training because of the financial cost involved.

Undergraduate scholarships and graduate fellowships are thus seen to be an essential part of an expanded program of productive scientific research. More research activities depend upon more high-grade personnel. More high-grade personnel can be had only by training it. The bottleneck in training high-grade research personnel is the limited number of unusually talented young people who have had the broad base of a college education required as a prerequisite for research training. Hence, to provide the necessary personnel for the proposed research program, highly talented high-school graduates must be searched out and given necessary financial assistance to finish college. Then, from this group of talented college graduates the few hundred to be selected annually for postgraduate research training can be obtained. By this means the bottleneck of scientific personnel can be broken.

It is to be noted that a program of Government scholarships for superior undergraduate students and of fellowships for unusually promising graduate students is favored not only by the natural scientists but by the Social Science Research Council and the problems and policies committee of the American Council on Education.

It has been assumed in the memorandum thus far that there are valid methods for identifying intellectually able high-school graduates and persons with talent for research at the postgraduate level. This assumption has been put to the test in a number of instances in recent years. The University of Chicago has developed scholarship examinations for selecting unusually able high-school graduates. Every one of the scholarship candidates so identified has been successful in his college work, and 72 percent of them have made unusually fine records; that is, A records. The college-entrance examination board has had similar experience with its scholarship tests. During the war the several branches of the armed services have utilized intelligence and aptitude tests for selecting young men for specialized training, and have again demonstrated that test methods can be used that will identify unusually able young people with a minimum of

error.

I should like, if I might, also to leave for the record a report I have— Science Talent Search of the Westinghouse group.

Senator MAGNUSON. We will be very glad to have that in the record.

3 Davis, H. L., The Utilization of Potential College Ability. University of Kentucky, 1942. Toops, H. A., Report of Intelligence Test Committee. Transactions of Ohio College Association, 1936.

It is, of course, essential that highly talented young people do not waste their time in ineffective programs of education and training. It is quite possible that some institution of higher learning will not be able to provide the kind of instruction that will utilize fully the potentialities of these very able students. It is necessary that any program of scholarships and fellowships be administered in such a way as to provide a continuing appraisal of the education and training these young people are receiving. There have been developed during the past 15 years valid methods for determining how far young people are acquiring an excellent education and being given the kind of training required for effective work as a scientist. In essence this appraisal involves the giving of annual tests and examinations to determine how far each student is developing increased knowledge and increased intellectual skills and abilities. The use of such a procedure would provide a continuing check that Government money was not being wasted on students failing to take advantage of the educational opportunities provided them or upon institutions unable to provide effective education for highly talented persons.

To summarize, scholarships and fellowships are needed to increase the number of highly competent research workers. Valid and practicable procedures are also available for appraising the progress made by each scholarship recipient so that Government funds will not be wasted on persons failing to secure the training contemplated. Hence, an efficient scholarship and fellowship program can be instituted to meet the critical needs for research personnel.

Senator MAGNUSON. Thank you, Doctor. I want to assure you, as I told Dr. Moe, that what you gentlemen have found who have made such a study of this matter will be a good guide as to whether we set that division up by law or whether it will be within the foundation and they will make their own directives.

Dr. TYLER. You will note that this last recommendation differs a bit from Dr. Potter's. I conceive that the purpose of this foundation is primarily to select able people and see that they get training for science, regardless of who they are; that is, regardless of geographic distribution of the people. We want good training wherever it is. Instead of deciding that any college can necessarily train them well, we would have a continuing check to see that the young people given this training were getting excellent training.

Senator MAGNUSON. You would see that they were getting the training, which is a different approach to it. But you believe and you know from your experience as you point out, that there are fairly well known and tried methods whereby these men could be selected with a minimum of error, and they could be kept in their work and in their studies with a minimum of error as to whether or not the money is being expended properly.

Dr. TYLER. That is right. For example, in the electronics program carried on by the Signal Corps in the early part of the war, men were selected simply on the basis of their grades. You know that grades in college and high school vary a good deal from one institution to another. The number who failed out in that program was over 40 percent. These test methods that I am describing were used to select electronics people, and the failures were reduced to 12 percent, which is an illustration of the possibility of selecting people who really can benefit from that kind of training.

Senator MAGNUSON. Thank you very much, Dr. Tyler.
Now, Dr. Graves.

TESTIMONY OF DR. MORTIMER GRAVES, AMERICAN COUNCIL OF LEARNED SOCIETIES

Senator MAGNUSON. Doctor, you might tell us what the American Council of Learned Societies is, so that we shall have that for the record.

Dr. GRAVES. The council is a federation of 24 American learned societies in the field of the humanities, organized in 1919 and incorporated in 1924. I presume it has been allowed to be represented here because it is probably the closest approximation there is to national representation in the humanities. Furthermore, it has had 20 years of experience in just this problem of using fellowships and scholarships for the development of trained Americans in these fields. of study not normally provided in the academic scheme, and it has been a major element in feeding into the war effort people trained in our fields.

There is no easier way to get yourself tangled up in a long argument than to try to define the humanities, but for the purposes for which I am talking we may consider them as being the study of languages and literatures, of philosophy and history, of fine arts, music, and things of that sort.

The council has not had time to prepare a formal statement of its views for this purpose, but the staff of the executive offices, of which I am a member, has tried to ascertain those views and does present for your record a statement embodying them. This, of course, is not to be considered as a formal statement of the council, but we don't believe that it contains any serious misrepresentation of the council's opinion. It would take probably 12 or 14 minutes to read it.

Senator MAGNUSON. We would be glad to have you read it.
Dr. GRAVES. Would you?

Senator MAGNUSON. Whichever you wish.

Dr. GRAVES. If that is the case, I will read it, although I could summarize it.

Senator MAGNUSON. You could give the high lights. We will put it in the record verbatim.

Dr. GRAVES. I think that for the purpose of eliciting discussion, the high lights are probably sufficient.

(The statement referred to follows:)

The purpose of this statement is to set before the committee as strongly, yet as briefly, as possible the necessity for considering in any legislation purporting to strengthen the American intellectual and scientific structure the case of the humanities, that is to say, the study of languages and literatures, history, the arts, philosophy and religion, etc. These studies yield to no others in their contribution to the national good, whether that is considered in terms of national security, of national welfare in time of peace, or of national prestige.

1. THE HUMANITIES AND NATIONAL DEFENSE

The legislation under consideration takes its tone from the requirements for national defense. It is legitimate, therefore, without denying the importance of Federal aid to research and the discovery and development of intelligence in a society at peace, first to discuss the proposals with respect to their relation to a total program for national security.

Against what are we to defend ourselves? It is generally agreed that our next war will begin-unless we are the aggressor state-with a sudden, devasting, and unexpected attack not upon some remote outpost but on the very heart of our homeland. No one seriously believes that any probable collocation of military, scientific, and industrial might can prevent this initial onslaught; history gives us no warrant whatever for assuming that an aggressor will be deterred from it even by the certainty of ultimate defeat. In fact the only possible defense against the catastrophe is not to permit it to happen; our first line of defense is not to become involved in a war. Programs for national security which function only after this first line of defense is broken are unsatisfactory.

In this precatastrophe period the first element of defense is not the Military Establishment; it is not the machinery of science and industry; it is our services of intelligence and information and our repository of foreign policy. Unless these are maintained at the highest level of efficiency we cannot solve our international problems without recourse to war, and we shall be even more handicapped in the prosecution of a war which results from this disability.

And what are the elements of security when we have been thus attacked? They are civilian organization and morale, trained and available manpower, immediate reconversion of industry and transportation, stock piles of raw materials, the combat services, scientific research, and again the services of intelligence and information. The closer our wars approach to total war the truer does this picture become, for total war means civilian war; military victory is impossible until the civilian war has been won. Under these conditions any program which justifies itself in the name of national security is limited and partial so long as it confines itself to the military and technological sciences to the neglect of the social studies and the humanities.

We have only to cite one example from our experience in the recent war. Certainly for no feature of the conduct of total global war were we more grieviously unprepared than we were at the level of intelligence and information. And within this framework nowhere were we worse equipped than we were for those phases of the war effort requiring Americans trained in sure knowledge of those foreign civilizations made immediately important by the conflict, especially those remote from the west European tradition. Had an equivalent of the Bush report been written by the Office of Strategic Services, the Office of War Information, the Federal Communications Commission, the Department of State, or the intelligence services of the Army, the Navy, or the Marine Corps, we should have before us a complementary, equally important, and even more distressing picture of the state of our unpreparedness at the end of 1941. We have every right to be proud of the miracles of improvisation wrought by these agencies, and others concerned with intelligence, communications, information, and propaganda, but it is the sheerest folly to commit our national security again to this improvisation and to frantic, almost hysterical, training programs. The studies that would have made this improvisation unnecessary are within the province of the humanities; they are just as vital to national security against total war and to the prosecution of it as are those which impinge only upon the combat facet of the war.

So long as it neglects considerations of this kind, accordingly, the legislation under review shares with too much of our thinking about national defense the disability of being only a limited and partial approach to a total problem. Perhaps this approach can be justified; perhaps we must analyze the total problem. isolate its parts, and solve them individually. But when these component parts are thus isolated, they should be treated in their entirety. The legislation proposed deals with two such parts: (1) Scientific research and (2) provision of trained personnel, but with both incompletely. Its limited coverage of research leaves out too many fields vital to national security; its scholarship and fellowship program is only part of the total manpower problem, which might better be treated in its own right. Consequently the legislation can be justified only as a limited contribution to a total national defense structure.

As a matter of fact there is no reason why these two particular facets of a national security program should be selected out for treatment together; in particular there is no reason why they should, when in operation, be subject to the same administrative authority. It may very well be that the scholarship and fellowship program could be better administered if it had no connection with a National Research Foundation, and vice versa.

II. THE HUMANITIES AND NATIONAL WELFARE IN PEACE

Contemplation of the needs of American society in a peaceful world emphasizes similar considerations. If we are to have global peace at all, America must play a predominant part in it. This requires not only an American public informed and

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