of 1812, his formidable rival was overborne by its irresistible power.

But progress, although it sometimes halts in its march, never recedes. The intelligence and patriotism of the masses were averse to the practice, for reasons which had been too often and earnestly assigned to be retracted. The body of the party could neither be persuaded nor driven into further acquiescence in that method of political dictation, especially when it was attempted by a minority so diminished as that which had now acted. Its reproduction under another aspect, whilst it failed entirely to relieve its ugliest features, confirmed suspicion of its subserviency to covert designs. This caucus, therefore, wielded no legitimate force, transmitted no apostolic lineage to its nominees, but in the language of Mr. Niles in his Baltimore Register of that date, was an abortion and the last of the breed."

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Being fairly absolved from all allegiance to caucus dominion, and careless of the fires of its auto da fe, the Republican members of the legislature of Massachusetts resolved that the ability, experience, integrity, and patriotism of John Quincy Adams; his manly efforts to defend the principles of the government; his unshaken fortitude and resolution in all political exigencies; and his long and faithful public services, commended him to the nation as a suitable candidate for the presidency. The legislatures of Maine, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, and numerous large conventions in Vermont, New-York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, concurred in the suggestion. His name was therefore submitted to the people as a candidate. The friends of General Jackson and Henry Clay in the western states availed themselves of the opportunity to nominate them also; thereby presenting the anomaly of a Richard and three Richmonds in the field, all of

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them professing the same principles, and bound to the same creed, with a single exception, and that relating merely to the power of congress to improve the interior of the country, and all of them distinguished as Republicans. For the office of vice president, the party in Pennsylvania, disregarding the caucus designation, nominated John C. Calhoun; in Virginia Nathaniel Macon was sug gested; in New York Chancellor Sanford, and in Geor gia Martin Van Buren.

The canvass which ensued was animated, and in some localities exciting, by reason of alleged attempts in high quarters to enforce, by official means, the behests of the congressional caucus. Local considerations entered deeply into the competition. In New York and the New England states it was insisted that the southern portion of the republic had exerted an undue influence in the executive department, and among other things, had warped our commercial treaties with foreign nations, to the prejudice of interests which contributed most toward the national expenditures; and in the great west it was con tended that the new states had been neglected by the fed eral government. Partialities for the eminent virtues, and gratitude for the public services of the respective candidates, lent their influence in the contest. But Republicanism itself was not at issue with any opposing candidates or measures.

This quadrangular controversy in the Republican party, naturally enough failed to indicate a choice of either of the principal candidates. The electoral votes of Georgia and Virginia, five from New York, two from Delaware, and one from Maryland, in all forty-one, were cast for Mr. Crawford; those of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, twenty-six from New York, three from Maryland, two from Louis

iana, one from Delaware, and one from Illinois, in all eighty-four, were cast for Mr. Adams; those of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Indiana, Mississippi, and Alabama, seven from Maryland, three from Louisiana, two from Illinois, and one from New York, in all ninety-nine, were cast for General Jackson; and those of Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri, and four from New York, in all thirty-seven, were cast for Mr. Clay. Neither of the persons voted for having received a majority, it devolved on the house of representatives to choose a president from the three highest on the list-Messrs. Crawford, Adams and Jackson.

The result left the power to determine between them with the friends of Mr. Clay, whose position was one of great delicacy and difficulty. Upon him rested the responsibility of deciding which of his competitors should administer the government, and by him the censures which were certain to follow the decision, were to be borne. But he was equal to the requirements of the emergency. In a communication addressed by him to the Hon. F. Brooke, under date of the 28th of January, 1825, he said:

"My position in regard to the presidential contest is highly critical, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pursued in regard to it the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my public duty. I have interrogated my conscience as to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to vote for Mr. Adams. I shall fulfill its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health, and the cir cumstances under which he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend of liberty and to the permanence of our institutions, I cannot consent in this early stage of their existence, by

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contributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give the strongest guaranty that this republic will march in the fatal road which has conducted every other republic to ruin."

On the 9th day of February, 1825, the house of representatives, consisting of members from twenty-four states, proceeded to discharge their constitutional duty. On a ballot taken by states, tellers from the respective delegations announced the votes of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, and Louisiana, in all thirteen, for Mr. Adams; of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Indiana, Alabama, and Mississippi, in all seven, for General Jackson; and of Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, in all four, for Mr. Crawford. The speaker of the house thereupon declared Mr. Adams duly elected. The vice presidency was determined in favor of Mr. Calhoun by the colleges.

On the following day a committee of the house, of which Daniel Webster was chairman, waited on the president elect to inform him of his election, and received from him the following reply:

"Gentlemen: In receiving this testimonial from the representatives of the people and states of this Union, I am deeply sensible of the circumstances under which it has been given. All my predecessors have been honored with majorities of the electoral voices in the primary colleges. It has been my fortune to be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among our countrymen on this occasion, in competition, friendly and honorable, with those of my fellow-citizens, all justly enjoying, in eminent degrees, the public favor, and of whose worth, talents, and services no one entertains a higher or more respect

ful sense than myself. The names of two of them were, in the fulfillment of the provisions of the constitution, presented to the selection of the house of representatives in concurrence with my own--names closely associated with the glory of the nation, and one of them recommended by a larger majority of the primary electoral suffrages than my own. In this state of things, could my refusal to accept the trust thus delegated to me give an opportunity to the people to form and to express, with a nearer approach to unanimity, the object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the acceptance of this eminent charge, and to submit the decision of this momentous question again to their determination. But the constitution itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would arise in the event of my refusal.

"I shall therefore repair to the post assigned me by the call of my country, signified through her constitutional organs, oppressed with the magnitude of the task before me, but cheered with the hope of that generous support from my fellow-citizens which, in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to their service, has never failed to sustain me, confident in the trust that the wisdom of the legislative councils will guide and direct me in the path of my official duty, and relying above all in the superintending providence of that Being 'in whose hands our breath is, and whose are all our ways.' Gentlemen, I pray you to make acceptable to the house the assurance of my profound gratitude for their confidence, and to accept yourselves my thanks for the friendly terms in which you have communicated to me their decision."

Therefore, on the 4th of March, 1825, Mr. Adams was formally inaugurated into the presidential office. And he came to this position, let it be remembered, as a Repub