Ordered, That the Secretary request the concurrence of the House of Representatives therein. JOINT COMMITTEE TO ARRANGE FOR THE INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT-ELECT Under the authority of the order of the Senate of July 7, 1952, the Vice President during the adjournment of the Senate appointed Mrs. SMITH a member on the part of the Senate of the Joint Committee to Arrange for the Inauguration of the President-elect of the United States, vice Mr. MCFARLAND, resigned. Mrs. SMITH having been unable to accept the appointment, the Vice President appointed Mr. WELKER to fill the vacancy. ASCERTAINMENT OF ELECTORS FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate two communications from the Administrator of General Services, transmitting, pursuant to law, certified copies of the final ascertainment of the electors for President and Vice President of the United States from the States of Alabama, Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming; which, with the accompanying papers, were ordered to lie on the table. RULES OF THE SENATE On motion by Mr. ANDERSON (for himself, Mr. IVES, Mr. LEHMAN, Mr. TOBEY, Mr. GREEN, Mr. HUMPHREY, Mr. HENDRICKSON, Mr. NEELY, Mr. DUFF, Mr. PASTORE, Mr. KILGORE, Mr. MURRAY, Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. MAGNUSON, Mr. JACKSON, Mr. DOUGLAS, Mr. KENNEDY, Mr. MORSE, and Mr. HUNT), that in accordance with article 1, section 5 of the Constitution which declares that Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings *," the Senate take up for immediate consideration the adoption of rules for the Senate of the Eighty-third Congress, The consideration of the motion, was, by unanimous consent, postponed until Tuesday next. RESOLUTION ON DEATH OF THE LATE SENATOR M'MAHON Mr. BUSH submitted the following resolution (S. Res. 10) Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow and deep regret the announcement of the death of Hon. BRIEN MCMAHON, late a Senator from the State of Connecticut. Resolved, That the Secretary communicate these resolutions to the House of Representatives and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. The Senate proceeded to consider the said resolution; and Resolved, That the Senate unanimously agree thereto. On motion by Mr. Busн, as a further mark of respect to the memory of the late Senator, The Senate adjourned until Tuesday next. TUESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1953 The VICE PRESIDENT called the Senate to order, and the Chaplain offered prayer. THE JOURNAL On motion by Mr. TAFT, and by unanimous consent, The Journal of the proceedings of Saturday, January 3, 1953, was approved. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Chaffee, one of its clerks: Mr. President: I am directed to inform the Senate that a quorum of the House of Representatives has assembled; that JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR., a Representative from the State of Massachusetts, has been elected Speaker; that Lyle O. Snader, a citizen of the State of Illinois, has been elected Clerk; and that the House is ready for business. I am also directed to inform the Senate that the House has passed the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee of three Members be appointed by the Speaker on the part of the House of Representatives to join with a committee on the part of the Senate to notify the President of the United States that a quorum of each House has been assembled, and that Congress is ready to receive any communication that he may be pleased to make. The House has agreed to the concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 1) providing for a joint session of the two Houses on January 6, 1953, to count the electoral votes for President and Vice President of the United States. I am directed to inform the Senate that, pursuant to the provisions of Senate Concurrent Resolution 1, the Speaker of the House has appointed Mr. LECOMPTE and Mr. RAINS as tellers on the part of the House to ascertain and count the electoral votes for President and Vice President of the United States. The House has agreed to the following concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 1), in which it requests the concurrence of the Senate: Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That effective from January 3, 1953, the joint committee created by Senate Concurrent Resolution 69, of the Eighty-second Congress, to make the necessary arrangements for the inauguration of the President-elect of the United States on the 20th of January 1953, is hereby continued and for such purpose shall have the same power and authority as that conferred by such Senate Concurrent Resolution 69, of the Eighty-second Congress. The House has passed the following resolutions, which I am directed to communicate to the Senate: House Resolution 11 Resolved, That the House has heard with profound sorrow of the death of Hon. BRIEN MCMAHON, a Senator of the United States from the State of Connecticut. Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. House Resolution 8 Resolved, That the House has heard with profound sorrow of the death of Hon. ADOLPH J. SABATH, a Representative from the State of Illinois. Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. House Resolution 9 Resolved, That the House has heard with profound sorrow of the death of Hon. EDWARD EUGENE Cox, a Representative from the State of Georgia. Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. House Resolution 10 Resolved, That the House has heard with profound sorrow of the death of Hon. WILLIAM G. STIGLER, a Representative from the State of Oklahoma. Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. REPORT OF NOTIFICATION COMMITTEE Mr. TAFT, from the committee appointed to join a similar committee of the House of Representatives to wait upon the President of the United States and inform him that a quorum of each House has assembled and ready to proceed to business, reported that it had performed that duty, and the President had requested that the committee state that he would communicate a message in writing to the Congress on tomorrow. COUNT OF ELECTORAL VOTE In accordance with the provisions of Senate Concurrent Resolution 1, the Vice President appointed Mr. JENNER and Mr. HAYDEN as the tellers on the part of the Senate to count the electoral votes for President and Vice President of the United States. FINAL ASCERTAINMENT OF ELECTORS FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communication from the Administrator of the General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, a certified copy of the final ascertainment of electors for President and Vice President of the United States from the State of Montana; which, with the accompanying paper, was ordered to lie on the table. RECESS On motion by Mr. TAFT, at 12 o'clock and 7 minutes p. m., The Senate took a recess until 12:40 p. m. today. The Senate, pursuant to Senate Con- current Resolution 1, providing for a joint session of the two Houses for the count of the electoral votes for President and Vice President of the United States, proceeded to the Hall of the House of The two Houses being assembled, The certificates of the electors of the several States for President and Vice President were opened by the President of the Senate and handed to the tellers appointed for the purpose; who, having read the same in the presence and hear- ing of the two Houses, made a list thereof; and, the votes having been ascertained and counted, the result was delivered to the President of the Senate, "The undersigned, WILLIAM E. JENNER and CARL HAYDEN, tellers on the part of 531 "Tellers on the Part of the Senate. "ALBERT RAINS, The VICE PRESIDENT made the fol- "The state of the vote for President of "The whole number of electors ap- pointed to vote for President of the United States is 531, of which a majority "Dwight D. Eisenhower, of the State of New York, has received for President of "The state of the vote for Vice Presi- dent of the United States, as delivered to the President of the Senate, is as "The whole number of the electors ap- pointed to vote for Vice President of the United States is 531, of which a majority RICHARD M. NIXON, of the State of California, has received for Vice Presi- "This announcement of the state of the vote by the President of the Senate shall be deemed a sufficient declaration of the persons elected President and Vice President of the United States, each for the term beginning on the 20th day of January 1953, and shall be entered, to- gether with a list of the votes, on the Journals of the Senate and House of The count of the electoral vote having been completed, and the result an- COUNT OF ELECTORAL VOTE Mr. JENNER, one of the tellers ap- pointed on the part of the Senate, in pursuance of Senate Concurrent Resolu- tion 1, to ascertain the result of the election for President and Vice President of the United States, reported that the two Houses had met in joint session and that thereupon the certificates of the electors of the several States of their votes for those offices were opened by the President of the Senate and deliv- ered to the tellers, and, on being exam- ined, it appeared that the votes of the several States had been cast in accord- ance with the list hereinbefore stated. From those votes it appeared that the whole number of electors appointed to vote for President and Vice President of the United States for the term of The state of the vote for President of For Adlai E. Stevenson, of the State of The state of the vote for Vice Presi- dent of the United States appeared to For RICHARD M. NIXON, of the State of For JOHN J. SPARKMAN, of the State of Which result, having been ascertained and counted by the tellers, was delivered by them to the President of the Senate. The PRESIDENT of the Senate an- nounced the state of the vote to be that DEATH OF REPRESENTATIVE EDWARD EUGENE COX, OF GEORGIA The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. PoTTER in the chair) laid before the Senate the resolution, this day received from the House of Representatives, announcing the death of Hon. EDWARD EUGENE Cox, late a Representative from the State of Georgia; which was read. Mr. GEORGE (for himself and Mr. RUSSELL) thereupon submitted the following resolution (S. Res. 11); which was considered and unanimously agreed to: Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow the announcement of the death of Hon. EDWARD EUGENE COX, late a Representative from the State of Georgia. Resolved, That the Secretary communicate these resolutions to the House of Representatives and transmit a copy thereto to the family of the deceased. DEATH OF REPRESENTATIVE ADOLPH J. SABATH, OF ILLINOIS The PRESIDING OFFICER laid before the Senate the resolution this day received from the House of Representatives, announcing the death of Hon. ADOLPH J. SABATH, late a Representative from the State of Illinois; which was read. Mr. DOUGLAS thereupon submitted the following resolution (S. Res. 12); which was considered and unanimously agreed to: Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow the announcement of the death of Hon. ADOLPH J. SABATH, late a Representative from the State of Illinois. Resolved, That the Secretary communicate these resolutions to the House of Representatives and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. DEATH OF REPRESENTATIVE WILLIAM G. STIGLER, OF OKLAHOMA The PRESIDING OFFICER laid before the Senate the resolution, this day received from the House of Representatives, announcing the death of Hon. WILLIAM G. STIGLER, late a Representative from the State of Oklahoma; which was read. Mr. KERR thereupon submitted the following resolution (S. Res. 13); which was considered and unanimously agreed to: Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow the announcement of the death of Hon. WILLIAM G. STIGLER, late a Representative from the State of Oklahoma. Resolved, That the Secretary communicate these resolutions to the House of Representatives and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. RECESS On motion by Mr. TAFT, as a further mark of respect to the memory of the late Representatives, The Senate took a recess until 12 o'clock m. tomorrow. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7, 1953 (Legislative day of Tuesday, January 6, 1953) The VICE PRESIDENT called the Senate to order at 12 o'clock m., and the Chaplain offered prayer. THE JOURNAL On motion by Mr. TAFT, and by unanimous consent, The Journal of the proceedings of Tuesday, January 6, 1953, was approved. ANNUAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate the following message from the President of the United States: To the Congress of the United States: I have the honor to report to the Congress on the state of the Union. This is the eighth such report that, as President, I have been privileged to present to you and to the country. On previous occasions, it has been my custom to set forth proposals for legislative action in the coming year. But that is not my purpose today. The presentation of a legislative program falls properly to my successor, not to me, and I would not infringe upon his responsibility to chart the forward course. Instead, I wish to speak of the course we have been following the past 8 years and the position at which we have arrived. In just 2 weeks, General Eisenhower will be inaugurated as President of the United States and I will resume-most gladly-my place as a private citizen of this Republic. The Presidency last changed hands 8 years ago this coming April. That was a tragic time; a time of grieving for President Roosevelt-the great and gallant human being who had been taken from us; a time of unrelieved anxiety to his successor, thrust so suddenly into the complexities and burdens of the Presidential office. Not so this time. This time we see the normal transition under our democratic system. One President, at the conclusion of his term, steps back to private life; his successor, chosen by the people, begins his tenure of the office. And the Presidency of the United States continues to function without a moment's break. Since the election I have done my best to assure that the transfer from one administration to another shall be smooth and orderly. From General Eisenhower and his associates I have had friendly and understanding collaboration in this endeavor. I have not sought to thrust upon him-nor has he sought to take the responsibility which must be mine until 12 o'clock noon on January 20. But together I hope and believe we have found means whereby the incoming President can obtain the full and detailed information he will need to assume the responsibility the moment he takes the oath of office. The President-elect is about to take up the greatest burdens, the most compelling responsibilities, given to any man. And I, with you and all Americans, wish for him all possible success in undertaking the tasks that will so soon be his. What are these tasks? The Preident is Chief of State, elected representative of all the people, national spokesman for them and to them. He is Commander in Chief of our Armed Forces. He is charged with the conduct of our foreign relations. He is Chief Executive of the Nation's largest civilian organization. He must select and nominate all top officials of the executive branch and all Federal judges. And on the legislative side, he has the obligation and the opportunity to recommend, and to approve or veto legislation. Besides all this, it is to him that a great political party turns naturally for leadership, and that, too, he must provide as President. This bundle of burdens is unique; there is nothing else like it on the face of the earth. Each task could be a full-time job. Together, they would be a tremendous undertaking in the easiest of times. But our times are not easy; they are hard-as hard and complex, perhaps, as any in our history. Now, the President not only has to carry on these tasks in such a way that our democracy may grow and flourish and our people prosper, but he also has to lead the whole free world in overcoming the Communist menaceand all this under the shadow of the atomic bomb. This is a huge challenge to the human being who occupies the Presidential office. But it is not a challenge to him alone, for in reality he cannot meet it alone. The challenge runs not just to him but to his whole administration, to the Congress, to the country. Ultimately, no President can master his responsibilities, save as his fellow citizens—indeed, the whole people-comprehend the challenge of our times and move, with him, to meet it. It has been my privilege to hold the Presidential office for nearly 8 years now, and much has been done in which I take great pride. But this is not personal pride. It is pride in the people, in the Nation. It is pride in our political system and our form of government-balky sometimes, mechanically deficient perhaps, in many ways-but enormously alive and vigorous; able through these years to keep the Republic on the right course, rising to the great occasions, accomplishing the essentials, meeting the basic challenge of our times. There have been misunderstandings and controversies these past 8 years, but through it all the President of the United States has had that measure of support and understanding without which no man could sustain the burdens of the Presidential office, or hope to discharge its responsibilities. For this I am profoundly grateful— grateful to my associates in the executive branch-most of them nonpartisan civil servants; grateful-despite our disagreements-to the Members of the Congress on both sides of the aisle; grateful especially to the American people, the citizens of this Republic, governors of us all. We are still so close to recent controversies that some of us may find it hard to understand the accomplishments of these past 8 years. But the accomplishments are real and very great, not as the President's, not as the Congress', but as the achievements of our country and all the people in it. Let me remind you of some of the things we have done since I first assumed my duties as President of the United States. I took the oath of office on April 12, 1945. In May of that same year the Nazis surrendered. Then, in July, that great white flash of light, man-made at Alamogordo, heralded swift and final victory in World War II-and opened the doorway to the atomic age. Consider some of the great questions that were posed for us by sudden, total victory in World War II. Consider also, how well we as a Nation have responded. Would the American economy collapse after the war? That was one question. Would there be another depression here-a repetition of 1921 or 1929? The free world feared and dreaded it. The Communists hoped for it and built their policies upon that hope. We answered that question-answered it with a resounding "No." Our economy has grown tremendously. Free enterprise has flourished as never before. Sixty-two million people are now gainfully employed, compared with fifty-one million 7 years ago. Private businessmen and farmers have invested more than 200 billion dollars in new plant and equipment since the end of World War II. Prices have risen further than they should have done-but incomes, by and large, have risen even more, so that real living standards are now considerably higher than seven years ago. Aided by sound government policies, our expanding economy has shown the strength and flexibility for swift and almost painless reconversion from war to peace, in 1945 and 1946; for quick reaction and recovery-well before Korea-from the beginnings of recession in 1949. Above all, this live and vital economy of ours has now shown the remarkable capacity to sustain a great mobilization program for defense, a vast outpouring of aid to friends and allies all around the world-and still to produce more goods and services for peaceful use at home than we have ever known before. This has been our answer, up to now, to those who feared or hoped for a depression in this country. How have we handled our national finances? That was another question arising at war's end. In the administration of the Government, no problem takes more of the President's time, year in and year out, than fashioning the budget, and the related problem of managing the public debt. Financing World War II left us with a tremendous public debt, which reached 279 billion dollars at its peak in February 1946. Beginning in July 1946, when war and reconversion financing had ended, we have held quite closely to the sound standard that in time of high employment and high national income, the Federal budget should be balanced and the debt reduced. For the four fiscal years from July 1, 1946, to June 30, 1950, we had a net surplus of 4.3 billion dollars. Using this surplus, and the Treasury's excess cash reserves, the debt was reduced substantially, reaching a low point of 251 billion dollars in June 1949, and ending up at 257 billion dollars on June 30, 1950. In July of 1950, we began our rapid rearmament, and for 2 years held very close to a pay-as-we-go policy. But in the current fiscal year and the next, rising expenditures for defense will substantially outrun receipts. This will pose an immediate and serious problem for the new Congress. Now let me turn to another question we faced at the war's end. Would we take up again, and carry forward, the great projects of social welfare-so badly needed, so long overdue-that the New Deal had introduced into our national life? Would our Government continue to have a heart for the people, or was the progress of the New Deal to be halted in the aftermath of war as decisively as the progress of Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom had been halted after the First World War? This question, too, we have answered. We have answered it by doubling oldage insurance benefits and extending coverage to ten million more people. We have answered it by increasing our minimum wage. We have answered by the three million privately constructed homes that the Federal Government has helped finance since the war, and the 155,000 units of low-rent public housing placed under construction since 1949. We have answered with the 42,000 new hospital beds provided since 1946 through the joint efforts of the Federal Government and local communities. We have answered by helping 8,000,000 veterans of World War II to obtain advanced education, 196,000 to start in business, and 64,000 to buy farms. We have answered by continuing to help farmers obtain electric power, until today nearly 90 percent of our farms have power line electric service. In these and other ways, we have demonstrated, up to now, that our democracy has not forgotten how to use the powers of the Government to promote the people's welfare and security. Another of the big postwar questions was this: What we would do with the Nation's natural resources, its soils and water, forests and grasslands Would we continue the strong conservation movement of the 1930's, or would we, as we did after the First World War, slip back into the practices of monopoly, exploitation, and waste? The answer is plain All across our country, the soil conservation movement has spread, aided by Government programs, enriching private and public lands, preserving them from destruction, improving them for future use. In our river basins, we have invested nearly $5,000,000,000 of public funds in the last 8 years, invested them in projects to control floods, irrigate farm lands, produce low-cost power, and get it to the housewives and farmers and businessmen who need it. We have been vigilant in protecting the people's property, lands and forests and oil and minerals. We have had to fight hard against those who would use our resources for private greed; we have met setbacks; we have had to delay work because of defense priorities, but on the whole we can be proud of our record in protecting our natural heritage, and in using our resources for the public good. Here is another question we had to face at the war's close: Would we continue, in peace as well as war, to promote equality of opportunity for all our citizens, seeking ways and means to guarantee for all of them the full enjoyment of their civil rights? During the war we achieved great economic and social gains for millions of our fellow citizens who had been held back by prejudice. Were we prepared, in peacetime, to keep on moving toward full realization of the democratic promise? Or would we let it be submerged, wiped out, in postwar riots and reaction, as after World War I? We answered these questions in a series of forward steps at every level of government and in many spheres of private life. In our Armed Forces, our civil service, our universities, our railway trains, the residential districts of our cities-in stores and factories all across the Nation-in the polling booths as well-the barriers are coming down. This is happening, in part, at the mandate of the courts; in part, at the insistence of Federal, State, and local Governments; in part, through the enlightened action of private groups and persons in every region and every walk of life. There has been a great awakening of the American conscience on the issues of civil rights. And all this progress-still far from complete but still continuing— has been our answer, up to now, to those who questioned our intention to live up to the promises of equal freedom for us all. There was another question posed for us at the war's end, which equally concerned the future course of our democracy: Could the machinery of government and politics in the Republic be changed, improved, adapted rapidly enough to carry through, responsibly and well, the vast, new complicated undertakings called for in our time? We have answered this question, too, answered it by tackling the most urgent, most specific problems which the war experience itself had brought into sharp focus. The reorganization of the Congress in 1946; the unification of our armed services, beginning in 1947; the closer integration of foreign and military policy through the National Security Council created that same year; and the Executive reorganizations, before and after the Hoover-Acheson Commission Report in 1949-these are landmarks in our continuing endeavor to make government an effective instrument of service to the people. I come now to the most vital question of all, the greatest of our concerns: Could there be built in the world a durable structure of security, a lasting peace for all the nations, or would we drift, as after World War I, toward another terrible disaster-a disaster which this time might be the holocaust of atomic war? That is still the overriding question of We cannot know the answer our time. yet; perhaps we will not know it finally for a long time to come. But day and night, these past 8 years, we have been building for peace, searching out the way that leads most surely to security and freedom and justice in the world for us and all mankind. This, above all else, has been the task of our Republic since the end of World War II, and our accomplishment so far should give real pride to all Americans. At the very least, a total war has been averted each day up to this hour. And at the most, we may already have succeeded in establishing conditions which can keep that kind of war from hap pening for as far ahead as man can see. The Second World War radically changed the power relationships of the world. Nations once great were left shattered and weak, channels of communication, routes of trade, political and economic ties of many kinds were ripped apart. And in this changed, disrupted, chaotic situation, the United States and the Soviet Union emerged as the two strongest powers of the world. Each had tremendous human and natural resources, actual or potential, on a scale unmatched by any other nation. Nothing could make plainer why the world is in its present state-and how that came to pass-than an understanding of the diametrically opposite principles and policies of these two great powers in a war-ruined world. For our part, we in this Republic were and are-free men, heirs of the American Revolution, dedicated to the truths of our Declaration of Independ ence: "That all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Our postwar objective has been in keeping with this great idea. The United States has sought to use its preeminent position of power to help other nations recover from the damage and dislocation of the war. We held out a helping hand to enable them to restore their national lives and to regain their positions as independent, self-supporting members of the great family of nations. This help was given without any attempt on our part to dominate or control any nation. We did not want satellites but partners. The Soviet Union, however, took exactly the opposite course. Its rulers saw in the weakened condition of the world not an obligation to assist in the great work of reconstruction, but an opportunity to exploit misery and suffering for the extension of their power. Instead of help, they brought subjugation. They extinguished, blotted out, the national independence of the countries that the military operations of World War II had left within their grasp. The difference stares at us from the map of Europe today. To the west of the line that tragically divides Europe we see nations continuing to act and live in the light of their own traditions and principles. On the other side, we see the dead uniformity of a tyrannical system imposed by the rulers of the Soviet Union. Nothing could point up more clearly what the global struggle between the free world and the Communists is all about. It is a struggle as old as recorded history; it is freedom versus tyranny. For the dominant idea of the Soviet regime is the terrible conception that men do not have rights but live at the mercy of the state. Inevitably this idea of theirs-and all the consequences flowing from it-collided with the efforts of free nations to build a just and peaceful world. The cold war between the Communists and the free world is nothing more or less than the Soviet attempt to checkmate and defeat our peaceful purposes, in furtherance of their own dread objective. We did not seek this struggle-God forbid. We did our utmost to avoid it. In World War II, we and the Russians had fought side by side, each in our turn attacked and forced to combat by the aggressors. After the war, we hoped that our wartime collaboration could be maintained, that the frightful experience of Nazi invasion, of devastation in the heart of Russia, had turned the Soviet rulers away from their old proclaimed allegiance to world revolution and Communist dominion. But, instead, they violated, one by one, the solemn agreements they had made with us in wartime. They sought to use the rights and privileges they had obtained in the United Nations to frustrate its purposes and cut down its powers as an effective agent of world progress and the keeper of the world's peace. Despite this outcome, the efforts we made toward peaceful collaboration are a source of our present strength. They demonstrated that we believed what we proclaimed, that we actually sought honest agreements as the way to peace. Our whole moral position, our leadership in the free world today, is fortified by that fact. The world is divided, not through our fault or failure, but by Soviet design. They, not we, began the cold war. And because the free world saw this happen-because men know we made the effort and the Soviet rulers spurned itthe free nations have accepted leadership from our Republic in meeting and mastering the Soviet offensive. It seems to me especially important that all of us be clear, in our own thinking, about the nature of the threat we have faced-and will face for a long time to come. The measures we have devised to meet it take shape and pattern only as we understand what we were-and are-up against. The Soviet Union occupies a territory of 8 million square miles. Beyond its borders, east and west, are the nearly 5 million square miles of the satellite states-virtually incorporated into the Soviet Union-and of China, now its close partner. This vast land mass contains an enormous store of natural resources sufficient to support an economic development comparable to our own. That is the Stalinist world. It is a world of great natural diversity in geography and climate, in distribution of resources, in population, language, and living standards, in economic and cultural development. It is a world whose people are not all convinced Communists by any means. It is a world where history and national traditions, particularly in its borderlands, tend more toward separation than unification, and run counter to the enforced combination that has been made of these areas today. But it is also a world of great manmade uniformities, a world that bleeds its population white to build huge mili |