The Lord Advocate of Scotland said, that he intended it to endure for the period of seven years.

Sir John Anstruther recommended that it should be limited to two or three years, instead of seven,,

After a few words from Mr. W. Dundas,

Mr. Abercromby moved, that the words "two years" should be substituted for "seven."

Mr. Horner said, that it was the opinion of many legal and commercial men in Scotland, that some alteration ought to be made in the Bankrupt Law as it now stood; he voted for the amendment.

The Lord Advocate was content to admit the Amendment, but expressed his intention of continuing the Bill after that period.

Mr. Horner said, that the right of bringing in this Bill had been ceded by courtesy to the person filling the office of Lord Advocate: but if the learned lord continued to neglect his duty to Scotland in this respect, it was com petent to himself, or any other person in the House, to take it on himself.

The Lord Advocate said, that the learned gentleman had no right to assume this lofty and dictatorial strain with him ; he had left his own country, and could not of course be so well informed on the Scotch law as those to whom he had thought himself entitled to dictate. He would now concede the point of the seven years to two; but at the end of that time, he would pursue his own plan, unless some better than any of late projected was offered.

Mr. Horner denied having deserved the rebuke of the learned Lord, with whom he differed, not on a point of law but of fact. He must repeat his charge against the learned Lord of constant indolence and neglect with respect to this Bill, which had only been ceded to him officially.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer defended the Lord Advocate from the imputations of Mr. Horner, who was not warranted in making them, even by his own confession. He hoped the learned Lord would consult his own judgment on the subject.

Mr. Abercromby defended the charges against the learned Lord; who, he contended, had now for three different sessions, come down to the House with the same tale, that the Bankrupt Bill should be improved, yet he took no one efficient step to do it.

Mr. Adam thought there was something gained by the consent to the amendment. He hoped that there would soon be some permanent measure to prevent suitors obtaining at a great expence only a temporary remedy. The report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow,

CONDUCT OF THE IRISH GOVERNMENT.

Mr. Ward wished to ask the right honourable gentleman whether the two papers already moved for, contained all the information relative to the motives and circumstances which had induced the Irish Government to enforce the Convention Act?

- The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no objection to answer the question as often as it might please the honourable gentleman to put it to him. He had already answered three or four different times, and he now again answered in the negative. (A laugh.)

Mr. Ward said, that he had received the answer in a private communication with the right honourable gentleman, and was anxious to have it thus publicly, in order to found upon it his notice of moving to-morrow such other papers as he might between this and then think necessary to be called for-and he now gave such notice for to-morrow,

THE PRINCE REGENT'S HOUSEHOLD.

...The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose for the purpose of adverting to a former notice he had given respecting the Household to be provided for his Royal Highness the Prince Regent. It might be recollected, that in the course of the discussions on the Regency Bill, he had alluded to the course which, in his opinion, would be the most eligible for the House to pursue in the establishment of the Regent's Household. He had accordingly been preparing to submit a plan which, by the temporary reduction of the office of the Chamberlain, would enable the country to provide and maintain such an establishment at the low rate of 12 or 15,000l. When his Royal Highness was pleased to signify his determination of continuing in the service of the Crown the persons then carrying on the Government, he (Mr. Perceval) felt that it became his duty to lay the plan of a Household before the Regent; but upon an audience with his Royal Highness, he learned that his Royal Highness remained fixed in a perfect determination of adhering to his former sentiments upon that subject. For the nature of those

sentiments his Royal Highness was pleased to refer him to a learned and honourable friend of his opposite (Mr. Adam). By him he had been informed, that from the moment that he (Mr. Perceval) had first communicated his intention respecting the course meant to be pursued by him in regard to the Household, his Royal Highness had communicated to that learned gentleman his determination not to add to the bur thens of the people by accepting of any addition to his public state as Regent of the United Kingdom. (Hear! hear!) He felt satisfied that neither that House nor the public would have felt any indisposition in contributing to the expence of the due support of the state and dignity of the Prince Regent. (Hear!) At the same time, the country would not be backward in duly acknowledging this instance of self-denial on the part of the Prince; (Hear!) and his Royal Highness could not fail to find that such refusal will, in point of fact, throw round his character and station more real splendour than could be borrowed from any pageantry, however brilliant (Hear, hear, hear!); that external magnificence, calculated to dazzle the vulgar gaze, and catch the giddy admiration of the populace, the Prince did not hesi tate to sacrifice to those solid good qualities which have long since won, and promise, to secure to him, the affections of the people. (A general cry of hear, hear!) Having stated these circumstances to the House, it was of course scarcely necessary for him to add that it was not now his intention to submit to them any such plan; and he had now only to call upon the learned gentleman to whom he had alluded, to corroborate such part of the statement as his knowledge enabled him to say was accurate, or to correct any misstatement into which he might have inadvertently fallen.

Mr. Adam accordingly rose, and confirmed the statement of the right honourable gentleman, which he pronounced to be so accurate as to relieve him from troubling the House with more than his confirmation of it. He said, that previous to the day on which the right honourable gentleman moved his motion in that House, his Royal Highness had delivered into his hands, copies of the letters from that right honourable gentleman to the Prince, and of the Prince's answer, accompanied with written instructions to him (Mr. Adam), requiring him, in case any thing should be stated relative to the establishment of an additional household for the Prince, to state on behalf of the Prince, that it was his Royal Ilighness's wish to discharge the duties of a temporary Re

gency without adding unnecessarily to the burthens of the people and that be must, therefore, decline the intended establishment; such he knew to have been his Royal Highness's determination in the question of a temporary Regency. In case, however, of such circumstances occurring as might lead to a permanent Regency, he conceived that the question would then be open anew to the consideration of his Royal Highness. He added, that he had had long opportunity of becoming minutely acquainted with the views and intentions of his Royal Highness respecting his domestic economy, and that his determination in this particular instance, was but conformable to the principles which had governed his Royal Highness's conduct; it was not then a time to go into a detail of such circumstances, but whenever the opportunity should come, he would be enabled to give the House the most satisfactory information on this head.

COLVILLE, THE PRISONER IN COLDBATH-FIELDS.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, pursuant to notice, moved for the appointment of a Secret Committee to inquire into the circumstances which led to the detention of Colville, now a prisoner in the House of Correction, Cold, bath-fields.

Lord Folkestone thought that the inquiry should not be confined to the detention only, but should extend to the cir cumstances which led to the capture; if what had been ru moured respecting his capture was true, it would be a disgrace to the national character.

Mr. Perceval said that the original complaint was not only on account of the manner in which this man had been taken, but also the mode of his treatment since his imprisonment. He was however glad to find that the charge of bad treatment was now altogether abandoned. The taking, however, ought not to be censured in such unqualified terms, till it was known whether this person had been taken as an open enemy or as a spy. The noble Lord would be able to satisfy himself, as he intended to propose that the noble lord should be one of the Committee.

Mr. Yorke said, that having himself seen Lord George Stewart, he was enabled to contradict the statement that had gone abroad, of his having invited Colville to dinner. The noble lord, however, (Folkestone) would have an opportu nity of examining before the Secret Committee.

The motion was then agreed to, and the Secret Committee

formed thus:-Mr.Robert Dundas, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Charles Long, Mr. Williams Wynn, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr Leicester, Sir Arthur Pigott, Lord Folkestone, Mr. Bulmer, Mr. George Ellis, and Mr. Lambe.

EAST-INDIA AFFAIRS.

Mr. Creevey rose, pursuant to notice, to move for papers relative to transactions, both civil and military, in the East Indies. He had last year moved for several documents respecting some extraordinary trials in the Courts of Law, at Madras, in the years 1808-9, to which no return had been made. He now proposed to revive his former motions, and also to call for new documents. It was necessary especially that the military concerns to which he alluded should be distinctly elucidated, that it might be clearly seen where, if anywhere, blame ought to rest. In the first place, any one might see that the suspension of Major Bowles, on account of his obedience to the commands of his superior officers, was the immediate cause of the agitation which prevails in the Madras army. This case had recently been considered by the Indian government here, and the consequence of the inquiry was, that Major Bowles was restored. Such being the result of the inquiry, the obvious inference was, that the conduct of Sir G. Barlow could not have been regarded as in every instance correct. The next prominent feature in these transactions was, that by an order of Sir George Barlow of the 1st of May, certain officers had been suspended upon an ex-parte inquiry. They, too, had appealed to the Directors. He would abstain from calling for any document on this point for the present, reserving to himself the liberty of proceeding hereafter according to circumstances. The only other subject connected with the military transactions to which he would that night call the attention of the House, was the trial of several officers by courts-martial. After the suppression of this unfortunate rebellion, the government of Madras selected for trial by court-martial Colonels Bell, Storey, and Duncan-and as the opinions of the Courts martial were so much at variance with those of the Govern ment, it was proper that the House should have documents to enable it to decide upon that question. This much relative to the military transactions in the Presidency of Madras. With regard to the other case, certain trials at law, which took place at Madras in 1808-9, he must again say, that they were of a most extraordinary nature, and ought not to be