at least odious to the people of Ireland, was one of the main encouragements held out to procure the acquiescence of the Irish people-an encouragement to which the accomplishment of that measure was to be particularly attributed, Having said thus much in answer to the speech of the noble earl (Limerick), he also begged leave to express his satisfaction at the answer given by the noble, Secretary, namely, that the Government of this country were igno rant of the issuing of this extraordinary order and that they were not in possession of any previous knowledge of the state of Ireland which could have rendered such a line

of public proceeding necessary. That answer, given to his noble friend's question, he had heard certainly with satisfaction, but without surprise; for, though not bred or disciplined to place any considerable degree of confidence in the Administration of the noble Lords opposite, he could hardly bring himself to believe that any description of men in this country could have practised such, abominable du plicity and deceit, as to have advised such a course of proceeding in Ireland as the Irish Government had now adopted, without having first communicated such intention to his royal highness the Prince Regent, and stated the necessity and determination, in the Regent's Speech to both Houses of Parliament. There remained, however, another question, which he felt it his duty to put to the noble Secretary-it went to obtain an answer more explicit and full than the House could be in possession of from what had already fallen from him. The noble Secretary had talked loudly of the necessity of upholding the law, and preserving the public tranquillity in Ireland, and had expressed his conviction that the Irish Government had exercised a wise and justifiable discretion, He (Lord Hol. land) was therefore most anxious to ascertain whether, in making those statements, the noble Secretary had merely delivered his opinion as a Member of Parliament, or whether it was intended by then to convey to the House that the `sanction of the Administration of which he was a part, was given to the measure of the Irish Government subsequently to its being made known to them, and if that sanction had been given, he (Lord Holland) wished also to be informed whether such sanction had been communicated under the pleasure of the Regent-in a word, he was desirous to learn from the noble Secretary, whether he, or any of his colleagues, had, since the first receipt of the intelligence from

Ireland, made any official communication to that Government of their sanction of its late proceeding? Under the present circumstances of the case, he would abstain from any further observations, thanking his noble and gallant friend (Earl Moira) for having directed the attention of the House to such a momentous subject. Every branch of the empire were indebted to him for such conduct; Ireland naturally looked up to him for his advocacy and support. (Hear, hear!)

The Earl of Limerick rose to return his thanks to the noble baron (Holland) for his unasked advice; he, however declined the reference to which he was recommended. He would, in answer, appeal for the propriety of his own observation to the whole body of the loyal part in Ireland.

The Earl of Ross said, that he felt convinced that there was no intention on the part of the Irish Government, in enforcing the provisions of the Convention Act, to prevent the Catholics from petitioning Parliament. It was to be considered that there was a deputation of ten delegates from every county, and some from the principal, cities of Ireland, about to assemble in Dublin, to the amount of 358 members, holding as it were another Parliament, and convened to do we knew not what. (Hear! from Ministers.) He asked, if Government could go on if such assemblies could be held, no matter for what objects? He was far from being disposed to think harshly of the Catholic body; but the Irish Government must be supported. Besides, he was by no means sure that the enforcement of this Act would create amongst the Irish the general sensation which seemed to be apprehended. It was to be recollected, that there was a great difference of opinion in the Assembly of the Delegates. He did not know whether he might not be permitted to read, as part of his speech, a report which he held in his hand, of the proceedings of the Assembly of Delegates on the 2d of February. The proceedings of that Assembly had hitic to been regularly reported, in the same manner as the debates of either House of Parliament in this country. It appeared from that report, that Mr. Keogh, a gentleman who was well known to possess a considerable portion of influence in that body, made a motion, that the General Committee, having exceeded the powers with which they had been entrusted by the aggregate Committee, should be abolished. Mr. O'Conuel then addressed the Chair, and the object of his speech was to

shew, that such a question ought not to be put by the Chairman. Upon this occasion Lord French was reported to have said, in speaking of the Committee, You are appointed for a special purpose, and your commission is at an end." A division then took place, ayes 13, noes 24.This shewed, that perhaps these Committees had by no -means the confidence of the majority of the Catholics, who might not disapprove of this interposition on the part of the Irish Government. He repeated his conviction, that the Government, in taking this step, had not done it with the intention of preventing the Catholics from petition ing. (Hear!)ood, ca si douler of comm, sa

The Earl of Buckinghamshire trusted that their lordships would not do so much injustice to the Irish Government, as to conclude, before they were in possession of the circumstances which may have rendered the measure resorted to necessary, that the measure was in itself unjusti fiable. The faiter presumption was, that the Irish Government had not determined upon that proceeding without good and sufficient reasons. Allusion had been made to the Irish Union, and he had heard that night what he had never before heard, that the repeal of the Convention Act was one of the conditions required by the Catholics for their consent to the Union. Among many other reasons which he had for doubting this was, that that Act was but a declaratory act, declaring the law before existing, for the purpose of giving all parties fair notice of the illegality of their proceedings; and when the Catholics were about to hold a Convention at Athlone, at a former period, when the times were so critical, that the Irish Government thought it advisable to enforce the provisions of the act of parliament.

He

The Earl of Donoughmore said, he rose to claim, on the part of that great portion of the strength of the empire, the Catholics of Ireland, that mere justice which the noble Lord had asked in behalf of the Irish Government. admitted that they should not condemn that act of the Irish Government before they were informed of the grounds upon which it might hereafter be attempted to be justified; but if their lordships were required to suspend their judg ment upon the conduct of the Irish Government, he did not know with what consistency they could be called upon 10 presume the Catholics to be guilty. (Hear!) I am not (said his lordship) prepared to state here, in my place,

as a member of this House, that this act of the Irish Government is an improper act; I wait the information which may perhaps in some degree extenuate it, which may pos sibly justify it. Giving my opinion as a private individual, I frankly avow that I do not think it can be justified; but yet I do not feel myself warranted in censuring it parlia mentarily, because I have not had that cognizance of it, upon which parliamentary opinion should ultimately rest. (Hear!) Let me not, however, be thought to be unfairly predisposed against this act; in saying what I have said, 1 do not prejudge this act; I feel towards it all that consti tutional jealousy which a strong act of power should at all times call forth. (Hear!) So far, if this be prejudice, am I prejudiced against it. The noble Lord (Ross) has favoured us with extracts from a report of the proceedings of one of the Catholic Committees; to what purpose? To justify the Irish Government. Their conduct in this instance is not now before your lordships. (Hear!) The question now is, not whether the proceeding itself be or be not justifiable, but whether we ought to inquire into it at all? and upon this I presume your lordships will have little hesitation; therefore my noble friend will excuse me, when I say, that what has fallen from him would, in my judg meut, have been better said when the subsequent question upon the proceeding itself shall come before your lordships. But even then, I doubt very much if such evidence will be thought applicable, or even admissible. Were it even

consistent, it is nugatory; but it is not only futile, but contradictory. Your lordships are told, at one moment, that the alleged dissentions of the Catholics justified this measure; and at another, that their deliberate and systematic perseverance in the violation of the law, had made it necessary. But insinuations of even a less liberal motive had been thrown out; the real object of those meetings had been darkly hinted at, with a mischievous air of mystery. The real object of the Catholic is his avowed one—to obtain the restoration of indisputable rights. His legal and constitutional demand of them ought not to be rejected with such insulting suspicions. (Hear!) Standing here as the person selected by the Irish Catholics to present to your lordships their claims upon your justice, I should ill deserve the high honour they have conferred upon me, if I could patiently hear their motives misrepresented, their principles mis-stated, and their views and general character

abandoned to suspicions as gross as they are groundless.(Hear!) So much for that great and injured bødy, whose rights should find an advocate in every sincere friend to the prosperity of this country; and as to the Irish Government, it is before us that an extraordinary act of power has been resorted to. We are bound to inquire why it has been so resorted to, and more especially after we have heard from a Cabinet Minister in this House (Lord Liverpool), that such act of power has not had the previous sanction of the Prince Regent or his Government. (Hear! hear!) If this be so, it will be the bounden duty of your lordships to trace this measure to its true source. I now sit down, once more solemnly deprecating that mad and blind policy, of catching with avidity at every opportunity of traducing the Catholics of Ireland, and aggravating injury by insult.— (Hear! hear!)

Lord Redesdale thought it extraordinary that the noble Lord (Ross) should have been arraigned for having quoted in favour of his view of the subject the authority of one of great consideration among the Catholics themselves, to prove that the Committee were exceeding their powers. He was convinced that the proceeding which had called for the interference of the Irish Government was contrary to the sentiments of the majority of the Catholics themselves. He was convinced that the majority of the Catholics wished the laws to be preserved inviolate. He was per. suaded it would appear that the Government of Ireland were not only justified in what they had done, but that it would have been criminal in them to have permitted a meeting which was clearly in direct violation of the laws of the land. He believed that its conduct would, when fully ex plained, meet with the decided approbation of the majority of the Catholics themselves.

The motion was then put and carried; and also that for the Circular Letter to the Secretary of the Catholic Committee adverted to by the noble Secretary of State (Liverpool.)

IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT, &c.

Lord Redesdale called the attention of the House to the Bills which he had submitted to their lordships in the course of the last session. The first was to enlarge the sum for which persons could be arrested on mesne process; the second was to establish a permanent provision for the relief