The House then resolved itself into the Committee of Supply. On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a supply was granted, and the report was ordered to be received to-morrow.

Mr. Wynne gave notice, that it was his intention to move on an early day for copies of all the Warrants under the Sign Manual, since the 6th of October last; and that on the same day he should move for leave to bring in a bill for the better discovery of bribery and corruption in the Election of Members of Parliament.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in answer to a question from Mr. Ponsonby, said, that he would lay the Army Estimates before the House on Monday, and move to have them taken into consideration on an early day.

Mr. Horner moved, that there should be laid before the House the copy of the communication between the Lords of the Treasury and the Bank of England in 1772, together with the opinions of the Attorney and Solicitor General, respecting the laws prohibiting the exportation of gold and silver bullion,-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 18.

An Appeal from the Court of Session in Scotland was proceeded in, relative to the copy-right of Burns' Poems. The Appellants, Messrs. Cadell and Davies, and Mr. Creech of Edinburgh, having applied to the Court of Session for an Interdict, to prevent Mr. Robertson, of Edinburgh, from publishing those Poems, and damages, on the ground that they possessed the copy-right, were refused on the ground that the work was not entered at Stationers' Hall. Adam was heard for the Appellants, and the Lord Chancellor baving stated the law upon the subject to be clear, the Decree of the Court of Session was ordered to be reversed and an Interdict to be issued.

CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.

Mr.

The Earl of Moira said, he should be without excuse in the eyes of the country, if he did not call the attention of the House to the subject to which he was about to advert. Their Lordships would no doubt all anticipate that he was,

about to allude to the very extraordinary measure which had recently been adopted in Ireland, in issuing circular letters to the Magistrates, to prevent the meetings of the Catholics. Every one who had lived in any society in this metropolis, must recollect the surprise which was occasioned by the sudden departure of Mr. Secretary Pole to Ireland, and the various motives which were assigned for that sudden journey. The motive of that journey now appeared, in the measure to which he had alluded—a measure, than which it was difficult to conceive any one more impolitic or more irritating to the feelings of three-fourths of the population of Ireland. He was certain that the previous sanction of the Prince Regent bad not been obtained to this measure and he would give Ministers their choice of one out of two branches of an alternative, either of which must tend most strongly to the condemnation of their conduct-either at the time of the departure of Mr. Secretary Pole for Ireland, they were certain of being continued in office by the Prince Regent, or they were not. If they were, they acted most unfitly and improperly (to use no stronger terms,) in taking the advantage of the period before the Regent was sworn in, to resort to such a measure without having the decency to consult his Royal Highness upon a measure which so deeply implicated his government. If they were not certain of being continued in office, and expected that they would not be allowed to remain the Ministers of the Regent, then he could only compare their conduct to that of incendiaries, who set fire to the house they were about to leave, because they were not to be allowed to inhabit it. In the absence of information upon the subject, it was difficult to understand what had led to the adoption of a measure which, under the peculiar circumstances of the moment, was so extremely impolitic. The circular letter to the Magistrates referred to the Convention Act; but from any thing that appeared in it, they were left to conclude that it merely related to a contravention of the letter of that Act. If the measures of Government were merely to consist in pointing out and prohibiting what was contrary to the letter of an Act of Parliament, Cabinets might as well be composed of Old Bailey Solicitors. It surely was acting very little like statesmen, to content themselves with pointing out and prohibiting what was contrary to the letter of an Act of Parliament, instead of studying the temper and disposition of a people, for the purpose of guarding against those measures which could only tend to

irritate and inflame, and above all, considering in what manner they could best conciliate the affections of a people. But why was the Convention Act thus referred to for the purpose of preventing the meetings of the Catholics ?-an Act which had passed long before that Union at which the pledge and assurance was given that the claims of the Catholics should be conceded. It was no small part of the impolicy of this measure, that the Catholics were particularly designated as a class at whom the orders issued by Govern ment were particularly pointed. If such a measure had even become absolutely necessary, ought not obvious policy and common sense to have dictated to them to have refrained from mentioning the Catholics as being particularly desig nated? Might not the letter or the order have been so framed as to have had all the effect desired, without wounding the feelings and irritating the minds of the Catholics?— Another branch of the extraordinary impolicy of this measure, was the retrospective effect given to the measure. Was it not enough, even in the view of those who issued this letter, to declare their determination for the future, without involving in one common threat of punishment, acts done for years back, and which had the tacit sanction and permission of Government ?-If these orders were to be carried into effect according to the retrospective operation thus given to them, one half of the population of Ireland would be thrown into gaol. To resort to such a measure, under the peculiar circumstances of the moment, and thus to irritate and inflame three-fourths of the population of Ireland, displayed the most extraordinary impolicy-that if no fears were entertained at home, were they only to look within ?— Must they not anxiously look to the preparations of the enemy, who was only watching a favourable opportunity to make the attack?-of that enemy who had recently placed a French Prince on the throne of Sweden, and who had his advanced posts at the very gates of our Empire, ready for the assault?-Was such a period the moment to irritate the inhabitants and disaffect the garrison ?-He did not mean to say, that there might not be a justification for the measure to which he had alluded, but at present no information had been given to shew what had led to its adoption. He trusted that such information would be given, and, at all events, it was fitting that the Circular Letter to the Magistrates of Ireland should be laid before the House; for which docue ment his lordship concluded by moving,

VOL. II.-1811.

K

[LORDS, The Earl of Liverpool said, he felt very little embarrassment at the alternative put by the noble Lord for the choice of Ministers, the facts being-that the journey of Mr. Secretary Pole to Ireland had no connection with this measure, or any circumstances supposed to be connected with it; that no previous sanction or instructions from hence were given for the measure; and that the Ministers of his royal highness the Prince Regent were wholly ignorant, until Thursday night, that such a measure had been resorted to. From the information however transmitted froin Ireland, although it was not so complete as might have been wished, yet he was satisfied that the government of Ireland were fully justified in the steps they had taken, it appearing that there was a deliberate and systematic plan for the violation of the law; to prevent which violation of the law, by carrying this plan into effect, the measure al luded to had been adopted. He had no objection to the motion of the noble Lord, provided another document was also laid before the House, namely, the Circular Letter issued by the Secretary of the Catholic Committee at Dublin.

The Marquis of Lansdowne was glad that no sanction or instructions had been given by Ministers for this measure, and felt a satisfaction greater than he could express, with a view to the future bopes of Ireland, at learning that this measure had not emanated from the Prince Regent. He wished, however, to be informed whether the document which the noble earl (Liverpool) proposed to lay before the House, was all the information that was deemed by Ministers requisite to prove the intention to violate the law, which the noble Eart had mentioned, or whether there existed any other documents which tended to prove that intention.

The Earl of Liverpool stated that he could not see any objection to produce the document alluded to by the noble marquis (Lansdowne). The very issuing of it went to maintain the position that he had previously stated, namely, of a deliberate and systematic attempt to violate the law in Ireland.

Earl Darnley considered the very ignorance of the extraordinary order of Mr. Secretary Pole, avowed by the noble Secretary, a most full and decided crimination of the Government to which he belonged. It had long been a subject of lamentation with him, to find the affairs of Ireland

not only ill understood by that House, but almost refused investigation both by Ministers and Parliament. The time was now arrived when these concerns forced themselves on the attention of Parliament; and he sincerely trusted that such an important subjec: would receive the full inquiry that it merited. The noble Earl concluded with giving a notice of a motion for the production of some Accounts relating to the expenditure of Ireland.

The Earl of Limerick rose for the purpose of pronouncing his decided condemnation of the statement advanced by the noble earl (Moira), that the Union was accomplistied on the ground of relieving Ireland from the oppressions of the Irish Parliament. He had the honour of having sat in that Parliament, and was therefore not a little surprised in not hearing the details of those oppressions to which the noble Earl had alluded. It was true, that the noble Earl had some years ago formed opinions on the affairs of Ireland, which the consequent events must have convinced him were erroneous. Had he now entered into those details of oppressive conduct with which he (Ld. Moira) charged the Irish Parliament, it would have been his duty (Earl of Limerick) to have met him on each point; and most con fident he was that the result would fully establish the suc cessful exertions of that body to uphold the Constitution, and maintain the connection of Ireland with this country.

Lord Holland observed that it was fortunate his noble and gallant friend (Earl of Moira) had not gone into a discussion of those details of oppression with which the Irish Parliament were chargeable; because, had he done so, the House, from the avowal of the noble Earl who last addressed them, would have been engaged in a debate wholly unconnected with the subject now before it. Whatever was his opinion of the character of the proceedings of that Legislature, it was unnecessary for him then to declare-that character he would leave to history to appreciate-and in referring it to history, sure he was, that as to many parts of the conduct of that Parliament, he could not consign it to severer chastisement.(Hear! hear!) He would, however, refer the noble Earl (Limerick) to those persons who were most particularly engaged in carrying the measure of Union into effect; and if he should think proper to consult thèin, that noble Earl would find that the repeal of those Acts, which he (Lord Holland) and his noble friend (Meira) considered oppressive, but which by all were considered to be