seasonable supply of men after the battle of Busaco, could have enabled Lord Wellington to have then fought the battle which may be hereafter to be decided by numbers-did not this involve a serious charge against the negligence or ignorance of Ministers? And would it not be to the last degree disgraceful, if the result should prove that France could collect from all corners of the Continent, and convey over land greater numbers of men, and better provided, within a limited time, than England, could with all the boasted advantages of her marine, and the comparative ease, security, and expedition of a short passage by sea? He did not wish to indulge in gloomy anticipations; but with respect to what had past, he insisted that our brave troops had had to contend not only with the active enemy opposed to them abroad, but also with the imbecility, irresolution, ignorance, and negligence of the Ministers at home. What might have been the original design of Ministers as to the mode of supporting the efforts of Lord Wellington, he knew not, and apprehended that Ministers were perhaps as ignorant of such design as he could be; but of this he was certain, that whatever their design might have been, their measures had not seconded Lord Wellington. They must, however, in sending out a large army to Portugal, have intended to have done something. Was it by such contemptible children's play, as the country had witnessed on the part of Ministers, that they expected to strike a decisive blow against the tremendous power of France? If their intentions were of so vast a scope, why should the measures taken in avowed prosecution of them, be so meanly inconsistent, so wretchedly disproportionate? -if, on the other hand, the struggle be abandoned as hopeless, why exhaust the means of our defence in fruitless specimens of British bravery, always brilliant, but always nnavailing? Considering then the Address as communica ting nothing, as pledging the House to nothing, perhaps as meaning nothing, he was so far disposed to think it in this respect unobjectionable. But though former precedents and ordinary circumstances might have justified such a mode of proceeding at the opening of a Session, the critical state of the Empire imperiously demands the adoption of a totally different course. Such a moment was not suited to idle and empty compliment, but one on which the boldest truths should be spoken, and measures calculated for the salvation of the state suggested. The Address he thought. VOL. II.-1811. F should be one rather of condolement than congratulation: while it sincerely deplored the melancholy state of his Majesty's health, it should in the most unqualified manner represent to the Regent the awful circumstances under which he was called upon to assume the reins of government. While that Address acknowledged the parental affection of his Majesty to his people, and his anxiety at all times for their welfare, it should contrast the general prosperity of the Empire at the moment of his accession, with the accumulated difficulties and gloom of the present hour. It was far from his wish to say any thing that could look like an invidious or ungracious reflection on the reign of a Monarch so justly estimated for his many private virtues: but if the amiable qualities and the best intentions of a virtuous monarch were not sufficient to rescue his people from the baneful influence of bad advisers-an influence which had: so long and fatally oppressed that people, and had, at one time, only stopped in the dismemberment of the Empireif such could have been the ruinous consequences even during the reign of the present King, what future Sovereign could be too cautious in committing himself to the counsels of wicked, ignorant, or self-interested men? He thought, therefore, that their Address ought to remind the Prince Regent how great a portion of our Empire had been already lost by mischievous and unwise councils. The Address should also state the disturbances and dissatisfaction which had frequently prevailed throughout this reign in Ireland, and then continued unhappily to prevail. (Hear!) It should not pass over in silence the enormous increase of the national debt, and of the public burdens, since the commencement of this reign.-(Hear!) While the injury sustained by the manufactures and commerce of the country, being driven by the successful efforts of the enemy from the natural and accustomed channels, had greatly impaired the national means, and added to the embarrassments of the moment, which were becoming every day more distressing and alarming, he thought too that such an Address ought to contrast the present gigantic power and means of France with what they had been at the accession of the King. It should state, in emphatic language, the conviction of the House of Commons, that much of the present peril, much of the public burdens, much of the grievances and consequent dissatisfaction of the most warlike and capable part of the population, are fairly attributable to a bad and narrow - policy-Hear, hear!)-suggested by ignorant or wicked Ministers. Condoling therefore with the Regent on his being called in such a situation of things to the helm of the State, they should strenuously exhort him to reject such, councils, and to resist such measures as by experience have been proved to be greatly disastrous, and which cannot be persevered in, but to the certain and utter ruin of the Empire. It was his solemn conviction that the affairs of this country had now reached that degree of difficulty and danger, at which flattery and falsehood no longer could deceive. Let their conduct be suitable to a period of such awful interest-let them adopt towards the Regent the language of truth, not of hypocrisy-tell him of the lamentable incapacity of his Ministers-that they possessed neither our confidence, nor that of the public-and that they were capable of suggesting no measures but such as they thought calculated to ensure their ill-gotten power, and gratify their miserable ambition. The Regent should be reminded, that they commenced their career by affixing an indelible stain on the national character, in their daring violation of the laws of nations, and by blasting the hopes and outraging the feelings of millions of his Father's subjects -that they have since weakened and degraded the kingly office-deprived the Empire for months of an efficient Executive, and have, by their intrigues, shaken the very pillars of the Monarchy-that the period is critical-the danger imminent-the national calamities numerous-the pressure on the people nearly intolerable-that decisive measures, neither partial nor occasional, can no longer be deferred-neither should they yet abandon the hope of a secure and honourable peace, pledging themselves at the same time to the most vigorous prosecution of the war, should sincere attempts at peace on our part prove ineffectual, expressing their confidence that the resources of the country under sage counsel arc equal to meet the exigencies of the moment. Let them assure the Regent that they will narrowly watch over the public expenditure, and that to shew their sincerity in the cause of general reformation, they were determined to begin by reforming themselves-and above all, to heal, if possible, the rankling wounds of the Irish, who have been uniformly neglected, insulted, and oppressed. They should not omit to declare their gratitude to the Regent, for accepting the Regency under circumstances so embarrassing and distressing. Whatever pleasure he should have in avowing his confident expectations of the benefit likely to result from the Regent's government to the Empire at large, and particularly to Ireland, he must refrain from indulging in such declarations at present, lest they might subject him to imputations, of all others most to be avoided by a member of parliament. At the same time he could with truth aver, that such confidence was fully justified by, and entirely founded upon, the former acts of his Royal Highness, in defence and in behalf of what he was known to consider as a most valuable, but too much neglected part of the Empire. (Hear!) At a most critical and afflicting period, a few years since, without the knowledge of those for whom he interfered, he most strenuously and eloquently exerted himself in their behalf, by urging to the Minister of the day the adoption of soothing and conciliatory measures, offering himself to be the instrument for carrying them into effect. Those sentiments he felt fully satisfied could not have been since lessened, however much they might have been increased; and it was gratify ing to reflect that the people of Ireland, the greater part of whom were ignorant to the full extent of their obligations to his Royal Highness, should have ever felt towards him the most disinterested attachment, the most entire devotion, of which they afforded a convincing proof on the melancholy occasion similar to the present, when the Irish Parliament, by the unanimous approbation of the people, conferred upon his Royal Highness with a generous confidence those powers which were denied him in his native land.(Hear, hear!) Mr. Hutchinson then concluded a speechi of considerable force and animation, by adverting to the total neglect with which the name and interests of Ireland had been treated this some time back in the speeches from the throne. Why was the name of Ireland omitted in every speech? Why such industrious neglect of a brave people, and their unmerited sufferings? He must say, that if the present Ministers had one principle to guide their conduct, it was that of contempt for Ireland. When an Irish member rose to demand redress for his injured country, his rising was the signal for a laugh from the Treasury Bench. (Hear, hear!) An honourable friend of his had met with an instance of such indecent levity no later than last night. He would rather be the object than the author of such indecency. (Hear! hear!) Sir T. Turton expressed his regret that nothing had been said in the Speech of the desire of the Regent, if possible, to bring about an honourable peace the only legitimate object of all war. He would not pledge himself as to the transactions with regard to the Peninsula; but he did not indulge those expectations of success which some entertained. The contest might add to the glory of our arms, but nothing more he thought was much to be hoped for. Its termina tion would, probably, be the grave of our commercial prosperity, and of every thing but our honour. He had always maintained, that it was idle to contend with France on the Continent. We would soon have in our possession there, only Lisbon and Cadiz, and these must be preserved at an immense expence. He noticed an invocation in the speech of the mover or seconder, to support the government. He would support it as far as he conscientiously could, and always did-but the invocation was very unnecessary at present, considering the additional influence which the Administration would possess. But they had no claim to any particular allowance.-(Hear, hear!) It was a duty to watch every one of their measures, and to oppose them if pernicious; and that duty he would perform without any factious motives. He said this, that he might not be considered as pledged to assent to any thing of which he really disapproved. In all that had been said about attachment to the King and the Regent, he perfectly concurred. In a real feeling of attachment to both he would yield to none, though he would contend with nobody in professions.(Hear! hear!) PORTUGUESE OFFICER. Mr. Canning understood that his name had been mentioned last night, in reference to the imprisonment of a Portuguese officer. He then repeated what had been said on that subject, as he had collected it from the usual sources, (see the report of the previous night), and declared that he was entirely ignorant of any such transaction. If any foreigner had been brought here under such circumstances, the course would have been to have communicated the fact to the Secretary for the Home Department, who would then have the charge of the prisoner, and therefore the Foreign Office could not have been particularly connected with an imprisonment in Cold-Bath-fields. If the circumstance happened two years ago, it must have originated carly in 1809. He went out of office in September or October in |