information refpecting our unhappy difpute with America. As to the writer's refutation of Dr. Price's State of the National Debt; it being not very long, we fhall quote the whole.

"The contest between Great Britain and her. Colonies has produced, among other evils, a deluge of fpeculative publications, calculated to bewilder the weak, and impofe upon the ignorant. Several Writers, either biaffed by party or fwaved by vanity, have enlifted themselves under the banners of rebellion; and, with a strange perverfion of argument, attempt to justify the conduct of the Colonifts, upon the principles of reafon and civil liberty. Having form ed, in their diftempered imaginations, fome wild theories of polity, the y prefume to judge of the degree of freedom in government, in proportion to its departure from their own inadimiffible maxims.

"Of thefe fanciful abettors of American reliitance, the la est and the most violent is Dr. Price, who has given to the Public a Pamphler, which he calls." Obfervations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of the American War." Thefe Obfervations, where they are merely fpeculative, may be fafely truited to the common fenfe of mankind, with

any reply. It is fufficient here to remark, that the nature of the. Doctor's civil liberty is too unnatural to have ever existed in any civil fociety whatsoever; that his principles of Government are too vifionary even for theory, and, therefore, utterly incompatible with practice; that, instead of finding either juftice or policy in the Ame rican war, he invites Great-Britain to be aiding and abetting to the scheme of American Independence; and all this, that the Doctor. himfelf, and his Party, may have a place to "fly to," when corrup tion and defpotifin fhall overwhelm this devoted Kingdom.

"To fhew that the ruin of the Kingdom and the confequent flight. of the political elect are not distant objects, Dr Price has furnished the Public with a deplorable state of the national debt, after having done his utmost to haften the ftrides of approaching Bankruptcy," by. throwing difcredit on l'aper-currency and the Bank of England. The proofs produced by the Doctor to eftablish thefe melancholy, facts, are equally conclufive with his arguments. There exifts no public freedom in this Kingdom, " becaufe the people at large" (females as well as males) do not meet in one general Council,, and determine upon all public meafures." Paper-currency deferves, no credit, as it reprefents nothing but fpecie:" This country fhould humble herself in the dust at the feet of America, and give up all her Rights to her Colonies, "because the Earl of Shelburne, faid fo in the Houfe of Lords ;" and Great Britain mult immediately fink under the intolerable burden of her debts, because Dr. Price finds it convenient, for his prefent purpose, to load her shoulders with many millions more than the actually owes.

"As the state of the National Debt, which this Writer gives in his Pamphlet, may deceive the Public, by affuming the appearance of fact, it may not be improper to expofe its fallacy. Dr. Price, by quoting Helm's Paper, which is calculated for the information of the, Proprietors of the Stecks, endeavours to encreafe the authority of his VOL. III,

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account. But Helm's Paper has a contrary effect. Helm gives not the debt due from the Public to the three great Companies, but the capital ftock on which they divide. The fums payable on their stock cannot, therefore, be the interest paid to them by Government, but is actually the annual dividend paid by each Company. For instance, Government is indebted to the East-India Company. 4,200.000, for which they receive 3 per cent. interest. They pay 6 percent. on their flock of £. 3,200,000, and pay 3 per cent. on 3,000,000, in annuities created by themselves. This alone makes the trifling difference in the Doctor's account of two millions principal, and £. 150,000 per annum intereft. It would have magnified the Doctor's account ftill more, if he had been pleas ed to add the amount of the principal and intereft of the Company's Bonds.

"The Bank alfo receive 3 per cent. on the debt due to them from Government, and divide 5 per cent. on their capital. The South-Sea Company, who receive 3 per cent. on the debt due from Government, divide 3 per cent. on their stock. Thus Dr. Price, by taking Helm's Paper for his guide, either through ignorance or defign, befides erroneously encreafing the principal, has made the amount of the intereft on thofe articles 4.412,610 per annum more than the truth.

"Had the Doctor confulted proper authorities, (but that was not confiftent with the defigns of the Party) he would have found, that the principal of the Debt to thofe Companies, and the capital of the Government Annuities payable by them, amount together to L. 122,963,254; and that the charge to Government for the interest and allowances for management (which laft, it is evident, Dr. Price never confidered, amount to . 3,969,204. This fum, notwithstanding the charge for management, is lefs, by £ 348,666, than the Doctor's charge for that intereft only.

"To pursue Dr. Price through the other parts of his incorrect State of the Revenue and National Debt, where there is a little right and much wrong, and to fuppofe against his fuppofitions, would be to combat a shadow. It is, therefore, only neceffary to stigmatize the notoriously great errors in his accounts, wherein he affects to be exceedingly well informed, and quotes authorities. His account of the Sinking Fund is erroneous in every article. At the clofe of his Obfervations on this head, he affirms, that "the Sinking Fund was taken last year for £ 2,900,000, including an extraordinary charge of 100,000 on the aggregate fund. If there has been a deficiency," he adds, " it is a debt contracted last year, which must be added to other debts arifing from deficiencies in the provifions made for the expences of last year. But it appears from the accounts laid before Parliament, that, inftead of that fund being deficient, it produced a furplus of . 17,000. With regard to the prefent state of the Sinking Fund, it actually produced a furplus of £. 106,629, in the year ended the 5th of January 1776, more than in the year ended the 5th of January 1775; notwithstanding . 100,000 has

has been applied out of the public revenue, in purfuance of an Act of the laft Seffion of Parliament, for the purchase of Somerfet-Houfe, for the ufe of the Public.

"In his ftate of the profit of the Lotteries, Dr. Price is mistaken upwards of L. 420,000. The Doctor takes the profit of nine years. at L. 150,000 each year. But there were only fix profitable Lotteries, and only three of thofe produced a profit of £150,000 each; all the former Lotteries, except thofe fix, having been attended with Annuities.

"In a note which Dr. Price has placed at the bottom of page 120 of his Pamphlet, he fays, by a reference to an account of unappro priated revenues, amounting to 4,460,759: That "the greatest part of this revenue is borrowed of the Bank, and fpent before it comes into the Exchequer. It is, therefore, in reality, fo much debt conftantly due to the Bank, for which intereft is paid' The real fact is, that the Bank, in 1775, lent only on the credit of the landtax and malt duties, which together amounted to . 2,250,000. . Here the difference is no more than £. 2,210,759, which in Dr. Price's idea may, perhaps, be esteemed an immaterial error.—The Docter having thus been detected in fuch grofs errors, with regard to matters which he advances as facts, we may fafely trust his fuppofitions to the judgment of an impartial Public."

ART. XVI. The Honour of Parliament, and the Juftice of the Nation Vindicated. In a Reply to Dr. Price's Obfervations on the Nature of Civil Liberty. 8vo Is Davis, Piccadilly.

"The torch of war," fays this writer, whether first lighted by the genuine flame of liberty, as American advocates would fuggeft, or kindled by the fiery fpirit of faction, owes the fierceness with which it now blazes, to the aid it has from time to time received by the breath of incendiary abettore among ourselves."

In this manner doth this vindicator, of the honour of Parliament and the juftice of the Nation, flourish away, with the occasional admixture of fome humour and farcalm, through fixty four pages. This writer's argument, however, is neither fo infinuating or forcible as to affect any body, that is not already of his own perfuafion. Το readers of his own party, he will doubtless appear to have handled our political preacher fmartly enough.

ART. XVII. Remarks on Dr. Price's Obfervations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, &c. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Kearfley.

This remarker, who infcribes his performance to Lord North, affects, like Dr. Price, to, be methodical; dividing it into parts and fections, and replying to the obferver article by article; except as to the national debt; which he does not frouble his head about Indeed his head does not feem adapted for very nice calculations; the ufe of figures would in all probability have perplexed him more than that of words feem to do. Take a fpecimen or two of his grammar and rhetoric; his argument is too confufed to bear abftract.

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"The prefs teems with invectives levelled at the minister, who, confident of his own integrity, permits them to remain in that oblivion they never rofe from. Why fhould an equitable administration fupport every needy writer, who finding themselves defervedly neglected, deluge, from their airy regions, their infignificant abuse; give them but a douceur, the eafe is altered, and they are as lavish of their praife, equally unimportant, as their cenfure.

"It mult furely be the triumph of every Englishman, that in whatever nation his defire of improvement, his intereft, or his pleafure, may lead him, that he can affert, that the pilot of his native country is addicted to no one destructive vice: that no extravagant fondness for women; no ruinous attachment to gaining; no continual round of expenfive amufements, to divert his attention from the important employ he is entrusted with; that his domeftic virtues go hand in hand with his public ones; and that his affection for his King and country fupport him in his arduous tafk, malgré the cenfure of thofe, either envious of his perfonal merit, or the weighty office under his charge -Peace to all fuch.

"The freedom of our conftitution is the wonder and praise of every ftranger. The reader will, I hope,, permit me a few detached remarks on the original fpring from which we derive our admirable fyftem of government, fo extremely diffimilar to all others.

"England was never, I mean fubfequent to the heptarchy, divided into more than one monarchy. The divifion of Spain and France into to many petty principalities, where every little king reigned with defpotifm, and were all defirous of affifting each other in the fubverfion of the leaft spark of freedom. Italy, by the oppreffion of papal power, by the infatiate exactions of the Clergy by their enthufiattic fanaticifin, adopted thofe maxims by which alone priestly dominion can be eftablished and maintained. The conftitution of England, free in its very nature, prior to the introduction of the feodal ivitem by the Conquerer; then, though the glorious flame was mothered by the fubverfion of the Saxon legislature, fortunately he adapted a few of its laws, on the basis of which sprung the confequentirugeles of the people.'

What can critics fay to fuch authors as this? What, indeed, but that which he himfelf fays, of the cenfurers of the pilot of his native country*. "Peace to all fuch !

This muft certainly be fome floating island, alias bog, in Baotia. A writer of no other country would compliment a pilot of any country, for permitting his Notractors to remain in the oblivion they never rote from. Again, who but a Baotian in grain, could have found out that Britain was never divided into more than one monarchy Nay, who but a Baotian could find out the poffible means of dividing it into that one? Would the reader think it poffible that fuch an ignoramus as this writer, thould ftand up for the honour of learning, and call Dr. Price Mr. because, fays he, "I am informed the Doctor is no graduate." In the name of wonder, what does Paddy take a graduate to be? Does he not know that an Univerfity can divide all the fteps in the ladder of feience into one, and dubb a blockhead a doctor as easily as the King can dubb a citizen a knight ?-The learning and ingenuity of Dr. Price is fo well known, that this piece of impertinence can be imputed to nothing but Baotian ̄imfadence:

ART.

ART. XVIII. Curfory Obfervations upon Dr. Price's Effay on Civil Liberty, particularly relating to Specie and Paper Currency; by which feveral of his Pofitions are proved erroneous, and most of his Deductions utterly fallacious. Published with a View to remove the Prejudices which might affect the Minds of uninformed Readers, from a too ready Affent to bis Doctrine. 8vo, 6d. Carnan

The Author of thefe obfervations confines them chiefly to what Dr. Price hath advanced refpecting coin and paper-currency. The Doctor fays that," as gold reprefents commodities fo paper represents coin; i.. Paper is a reprefentative, or a fign of a fign."-Again, Coin, fays he, is the bafis of paper credit: and if destroyed, or reduced within a certain limit, paper circulation would fink of courfe. Paper being destroyed, coin would rife in value "-In direct oppofition to thofe affertions, the prefent obferver undertakes to prove, First, that Paper currency is not merely a fign of a fign, a reprefentative of a representative, or fhadow of a fhade: but that paper has a much larger scope in its representative capacity than mere coinage.

2. That therefore coin cannot be exclufively called the Bafis of paper; but that every article of property, reprefented by paper, has the fame right to that term; and of courfe, the bafis of paper differs according to the fubject of property fignified by that paper. Coin may be the bafis of fome paper; land or stock, of other paper.

3. That if coin was deftroyed, or reduced within a certain limit, paper circulation would be fo far from finking, that it would of ne ceffity spring up and flourish.

4. That paper, if destroyed, would be fo far from increafing the price of coin, that it would have the direct contrary effect."

Hoving illustrated thefe propofitions in a perfpicuous and plaufible manner, this fenfible writer proceeds.

"I think I have fairly proved the affertions I made in my outfet, that paper now current is not merely a fign of a fign-but really reprefentative of fubftantial property, and that confequently no danger is to be apprehended from its circulation-that there is room for more in the market-that it is capable of being governed by, fixed rules and criterions, fo as to prevent the evils arifing from an immoderate flow of accommodative paper-at the fame time that, by its means, a ready affiftance can be given to government by occafional advances upon fuch pledges as government offer, and merchants or Bank directors think proper to lend upon.

"If Bank notes were vifionary, iffued without property fomewhere depofited as a pledge to the Bank correfponding to the nominal value of such notes, then much mischief might be expected. But upon every enquiry I can make, I cannot find any note iffued without correfponding fecurity. If to government-government fecurities are pledged, certain duties arifing from taxes or levies of one kind or other are made over. The idea of property ftill is annexed to the paper and fuch loans are in the abstract no more than the anticipation of property, paid to government through the medium of Paper, fome little time before the property is due or receivable.

With