in that part of the kingdom, whose name may possibly be indicated by the letters of the inscription; Colonia Elia has been suggested; but besides that some of the letters. would remain unexplained, the name of Newcastle is Pons Ælii, not Colonia Elia. It has been conjectured that the inscription might be read, "Matrum collegii coædituæ," (To the joint housekeeper of the college of the priestesses of the Dea Matres). There are, however, strong objections to such an interpretation; there is not any authority for such a college, or such an office; and "co "is never the abbreviation of collegium. The solution of the enigma must be left to some fortunate discovery of an explanatory inscription, or to the ingenuity of some happy Edipus. All that appears to be satisfactorily made out is, that these objects are in some way connected with the worship of the Deæ Matres ; and it may be reasonably concluded that the other objects found with them were also used upon similar occasions. It has been already stated that the divinities were approached with addresses to propitiate their influence in producing fruitful seasons, and of such influence the moon would be considered an appropriate symbol, as beneficial to the increase of corn, cattle, and all things living. "Incrementis frugum, et pecudum, omniumque animantium commoda est; augmentis enim ejus, detrimentisque mira quadam providentiæ arte, omne quod gignitur, alitur et crescit."3 The prevalence of such opinions may have occasioned the introduction of lunulæ into ornaments worn by votaries of the Deæ Matres. The moon, however, according to Aristotle, is only a lesser sun, and operates only, by a borrowed influence, in conducing to the generation and growth of all things. It would not be surprising to find the more potent luminary symbolised in the objects worn by the same votaries; and therefore those persons may be correct who have supposed the wheellike ornaments attached to these chains as emblems of the If this object is more than a mere ornament, if it is a symbol also, it may perhaps be more reasonable to suppose that it symbolises what it more resembles a wheel. The moon was considered a fit emblem of the progress of prosperity, because she was seen gradually to increase in magnitude and glory. Quod illa sit mortalium corporum et author, et conditrix; adeo ut nonnulla corpora sub luminis sun. 66 a Clemens Roman, lib. 8. ejus accessu patiantur augmenta et huic decrescenti minuantur." 4 The wheel is a similar and appropriate emblem of the rise and fall of prosperity; and though it was not so generally figured in ancient sculptures with that view, as it is in more modern times, yet the expression of Cicero Rota Fortune shows that it was acknowledged as such. The other object discovered, which may also have a symbolical meaning, is the serpent. The Dex Matres were not only invoked for fertile fields and fruitful seasons, but several inscriptions prove that they were supposed to exercise a very beneficial influence over the health of individuals; the snake, therefore, the invariable companion of the Dea Salus, will be very readily admitted to be an appropriate decoration for the votaries of the Dea Matres. The hitherto known examples of lunulæ, wheels, or suns, and serpents, have been found under circumstances which have not afforded any elucidation of the uses to which they were applied, or the purposes for which they were made; nor were any other objects found with them which might facilitate conjecture. In this instance they have been found with objects clearly connected with the worship of the Dea Matres, and an endeavour is made to show that they are symbols which might reasonably be supposed to appear among the paraphernalia of the priestesses and votaries of those divinities. Let it, however, be remembered that these are only conjectures formed upon exceedingly slight grounds, and thrown out, upon the present occasion, less with a view to illustrate the objects of which representations are given, than to induce Archaeologists to examine minutely and accurately, and to record at the time, faithfully and in detail, all the circumstances attending the discovery of any similar objects at which they may happily be present; and, as far as they have the power, to prevent the separation of any objects, however insignificant they may appear, which have been found together, at least till they have been thoroughly examined by persons competent to form a sound and correct judgment. Isolated objects are of little value; a collector may accumulate a number of amusing and elegant specimens, but it is only by combination, concentration, and comparison, that an entertaining collection can be converted into an instructive museum, and Archaeology erected into a science. EDWARD HAWKINS. Macrob. lib. i. in Somn. Scipionis, cap. 11. UNPUBLISHED NOTICES OF THE TIMES OF EDWARD I., ESPECIALLY OF HIS RELATIONS WITH THE MOGHUL SOVEREIGNS OF PERSIA. IT is well known that as soon as the troubles caused in England by what is generally called the Barons' War were quieted, Prince Edward, the eldest son and heir-apparent of Henry the Third, set out on an expedition to Palestine: and it has not escaped the remark of our historical writers that he should have selected such a time, when the country was still in an unsettled state, and his father's health and mind were daily on the decline, for undertaking so distant an expedition. Besides devotional motives, Dr. Lingard is inclined to regard political reasons as having moved him to this step:-"The crusades would open an honourable field for the exertions of turbulent and adventurous spirits, who might there employ against the Saracens those arms which at home they might be induced to turn against their own sovereign." In this observation there is probably great truth; at any rate, I am in a position to show that the Prince took care to carry with, or to engage by pecuniary advances to follow him, members of the most powerful families in England. Before reciting the roll of knights who covenanted to sail with him, it will be convenient to consider how much money was thought necessary for such a distant journey, and how it was raised. In addition to a grant of the tenth part of the church revenues for three years, which Henry had obtained from the Pope in 1268, the laity in the following year granted him a subsidy of one-twentieth of their goods and chattles; and the greater portion of the latter aid was appropriated to defray the expenses of the Prince's crusade. It yielded, inclusive of the necessary charges of collection, 31,4887. 18s. 101d. Of this amount, 24,184 marks were either paid to, or sent after, the Prince, exclusive of the sums paid to the knights who accompanied him; 567. 10s. were appropriated to redeem certain jewels belonging to his father, which had been pawned in France, and the balance was absorbed in the cost of collecting the subsidy. In addition to this large sum, the Prince borrowed of the King of France 70,000 livres Tournois, secured upon the revenues of Bourdeaux, to be repaid by annual instalments of 10,000 livres; in this loan were included 25,000 livres, which the French sovereign had advanced to Gaston, Vicomte de Bearne, who was to accompany Edward in his expedition.1 The English knights who agreed to sail in company with the Prince, or to follow him, were : 1. Henry of Germany, his cousin, and fourteen knights, 1500 marks. 2. Roger de Leyburn and nine knights, 1000 marks. 3. Brian de Brampton and one knight, 200 marks. 4. Roger de Clifford and nine knights, 1000 marks. 5. Robert de Mounteny and two knights, 300 marks. 6. William Fitz-Warin and two knights, 300 marks. 7. Adam de Gesemuth and five knights, 600 marks. 8. Thomas de Clare and nine knights, 1000 marks. 9. Alan de Monte-Alto and one knight, 200 marks. 10. William de Huntercombe and two knights, 300 marks. 11. Walter de Percy and three knights, 400 marks. 12. William de Valence and nineteen knights, 2000 marks. 13. Richard de la Rokele and two knights, 300 marks. 14. Payne de Chaworth and five knights, 600 marks. 15. Robert Tipetot and five knights, 600 marks. 16. Hamon L'Estrange, who followed the Prince, 1200 marks. 17. Edmund, the king's brother, who was to follow likewise, 10,000 marks. 18. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who was likewise to follow, 1000 marks on loan. I am not aware that these names have been before published, or that the sources from which the necessary funds for defraying the cost of the Prince's armament were derived have been hitherto indicated by any of our historical writers. It will be observed that the above eighteen names include some of the most considerable barons and knights who had survived the slaughter of the civil war; and some who, from their late complicity with the Earl of Leicester, may be considered to have been still suspected persons, whom it was desirable to restrain from further plots against the crown. Among them, Gilbert de Clare, the ambitious and turbulent Earl of Glou The amount of the twentieth, and its appropriation, is stated on the Pipe Roll, 1 Edw. I., 2us. rot. comp. For the French loan, see Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 111. cester, was an especial object of fear to Henry and the Prince; and his word was so lightly esteemed that it was thought requisite to bind him by oaths and pledges to form one of the expedition. He, it will be observed, was the only one of the Prince's followers who had not a gift of money; indeed, his vast possessions, which placed him almost on an equality with his leader, rendered a gift unnecessary, although a loan of a little ready money might be needful after the waste his estates had suffered during the late war. The sum allotted to each knight was, as it appears from the above account, 100 marks, with the exception of Hamon L'Estrange, who received the larger sum of 1200 marks, and Edmund, the king's brother, who had 10,000 marks. The number of knights, one hundred and four, corresponds very nearly with the number said to have received the cross from the hands of the Legate Ottoboni, at Northampton, in June, 1269.2 The utter failure of this crusade is so well known that I shall allude to it further for the purpose only of calling the attention of the Institute to a curious negotiation which was, in all probability, the only fruit of it. Dr. Lingard, after noticing Edward's arrival at Acre in 1271, and the retreat of the Sultan of Babylon, who had already prepared to assault the city, says, “Abagha, the Tartar Khan of Persia, proposed to him an offensive alliance against the common enemy of the Moguls and Christians." Under the corrupted form of Abagha, we have the name of Abaka-Kaan, son of Hulagu-il-Khan, and nephew of Kublaï-Khan, the Tartar Emperor of China. The Moghuls under Hulagu had captured Bagdad, and put to death the last of the Abbassite Khalifs, in the year 1258. The Persian sovereigns of the new, or Moghul dynasty, were therefore the religious and political foes of all the Mohammedan races; and hence the likelihood that such an offer was really made by Abaka to the English prince. Although this negotiation led to no result at the time, and Edward was compelled to evacuate Acre and return to Europe, the policy of concluding an alliance with the sovereigns of England and France was not abandoned by the Moghul princes who succeeded Abaka on the throne of Persia. On the death of his uncle Ahmed-Khan, in 1284, Arghun, the son of Abaka, ascended the throne, and he immediately renewed the rela 2 Wykes, 85-Rymer. |