Page images
PDF
EPUB

a word relative to the position of other nations with regard to the war in the East. England and France have allied their forces with those of Turkey, and promise to resist Russian aggrandizement till resistance proves either successful or hopeless. It would be a mistake, however, to infer from this, that the two Western powers are actuated by any sympathy for Turkey. As the owner of a profitable empire in the East, England can never consent to see her Indian possessions put to the hazard which must accompany a Russian occupancy of Constantinople, controlling the Dardanelles and the Black Sea. As a continental nation, France has a direct interest in resisting Russian aggrandizement in season; and can never feel safe in any issue, which shall admit a Russian fleet into the Mediterranean Sea. The Western powers will be enthusiastic in prosecuting measures to keep Russia out of Turkey; they will not be so enthusiastic in efforts to maintain the independence of the latter empire. As having in charge the business of keeping down a subject population, Austria and Prussia will strive to maintain a neutrality during the existing contest. Should the course of events compel them to take an active part in the war, with which party they will take sides, intelligent statesmen are unable to predict.

Having in our progress thus far, given, somewhat in detail, the causes of the existing war in the East, and having stated some prominent particulars in the respective circumstances of the two nations directly interested in the issue, we must, before dismissing the subject, briefly state what appear to be the religious and political prospects of the Mussulman Empire, in case the present aggressive scheme against it should be defeated.

The question of the destiny of Turkey, so far as depends upon the interference of the nations now pledged for its defence, appears to meet with three different solutions on the part of those who assume to guide the public sentiment. One party, assuming that this empire, being dependent on foreign sympathy, is not independent in fact, and hence unworthy to be ranked as a separate power, takes the ground, that the time has come to drive the Sultan out of Europe, and to partition_his European dominions among the Western powers! The

[ocr errors]

serious difficulty in the way of amicably adjusting the terms of partition, perhaps quite as much as the gross inhumanity of the scheme, keeps this party from being very large, though it is not without an influence in the counsels of the governments. A second party, professing to foresee, that in case the present war should become general, the European Christian subjects of the Sultan will strike for independence, avers, that in case of such a contingence, it must be unnatural for Christian nations to take part against these subjects in support of their Mussulman rulers—the more especially, as the now dominant race is by far the smaller party; and hence the proposition to erect out of the rebellious Christians a new empire, which, as being independent, and having in its dominant party progress, enterprise, and intelligence, must prove an effectual and permanent barrier to the Russian power. This plan, though commending itself to Christian sympathies, and at first view seemingly practicable, is nevertheless attended with difficulties in the circumstance that the Christian population itself is by no means an harmonious body, but is an assimilation of parties differing in race, language, sympathy, and ecclesiastical affinity-difficul ties thought to be serious enough to forbid any immediate attempt to carry the plan into effect. A third party propose simply to protect the Ottoman empire from outward enemies, and leave its destiny to the natural workings of its inherent elements, whether of prosperity or decay; to do nothing to advance its dissolution, but give it an opportunity to reform itself into a self-maintaining state, if its inherent capabilities are equal to such a result. This is evidently the course of justice and humanity, and as being the only practicable method, is the one that will probably be pursued, should the empire be saved from its present danger.

With regard to Turkey itself, it is difficult to believe, that its integrity as an independent empire can long be maintained, at least, in Europe even should it come safely out of the present crisis. In Europe, the present dominant race comprises, as before stated, but a fourth of the population; and it does not seem probable that the large majority, comprising too the enterprise, wealth and intelligence of the country, shall remain in perpetual subjection. VOL XI. 21

4

The military system, which can admit only Mussulmans into the army, must tend, in a marked degree, to weaken the ruling, while it virtually strengthens in a proportionate degree, the subordinate parties. It is, indeed, matter of fact, that while the Christian population rapidly advances, the Mussulman race as rapidly declines. This circumstance of itself must in time lead to the extinction of Mussulman dominion. History too, shows that it is only while a conquering, that the Turks are a vigorous people. Ever since the armies of Poland put a stop to Turkish conquest, the Turkish empire has lost in vigor, enterprise and territory. And then, can it be the order of Providence, to give, in perpetuity, a region in many particulars not excelled by any other, to a people, whose very creed compells them to smite the land with barrenness.

Much has been said of the reforms introduced into the Turkish government about thirty years ago, as giving_the present affairs of the empire a more hopeful aspect. It is not to be denied, that to the present generation, Turkey had given signs of fresh vigor; so much so indeed, as to lead many to believe, that her power may recover the efficiency of pristine days. Yet, the very reform which gave the Christians of the empire equal civil rights with the Mussulman race, must, in the end, hasten the downfall of the very government into which it has infused present life and strength! Whatever tends to elevate a subject party, without securing an equal advance to the dominant class, is only preparing the former the more effectually to assert and maintain its independence. The reforms in Turkey have certainly given the government for the present an increase of strength; but in doing this, it has put the Christian subjects in a position to prepare for deliverance from Mahometan dominion. Further, the improvements exhibited by the Ottoman empire are inconsistent with the religion of the state, do not come from the intrinsic qualities of the ruling race, are in fact, an excresence forced upon, not developed out of the

4 Recent accounts state that Christians have been suffered to enlist. If these accounts are correct, the result will indeed be to strengthen Turkey for the present crisis, but to weaken the Mahometan ascendency for the future.

government. Reforms standing on such a basis, cannot promise much durability of good.

Whether, therefore, we consider the fact, that in Europe, the Ottoman power depends on a small minority of the people, a minority which the military system continually makes smaller; or the fact, that the present inactivity of the Turkish character is clearly the torpor which accompanies decay; or the fact, that it can hardly be the order of providence to retain a people in possession of advantages, which they are religiously disqualified to use; or the fact, that the existing reforms of the Turkish government can only strengthen a discontented majority to rebel against it,-every thing goes to show, that the term of Ottoman dominion is relatively of short duration. The rule of the successors of the Prophet has fulfilled its mission; and at no very distant period, the effeminate Mussulman, having proved his incompetency to use with any degree of wisdom the bountiful opportunities which nature has placed in his hands, must surrender his dominion to another, under whose ascendency, the capabilities of the soil, climate and intercourse with surrounding nations, shall be developed, and made to contribute to the general well-being of the world. With nations as with individuals, fidelity to the trusts of providence is the essential condition of permanent ascendency; wanting in this, it appears to be the retribution attached to a violation of the righteous law of heaven, that Mussulman dominion shall soon be extinct as an element of European govern

ment.

G. H. E.

ART. XVI.

Precedents and Principles.

A Fast Day Sermon.*

"Brethren, I speak after the manner of men; Though it be but a man's covenant, yet if it be confirmed, no man disannuleth, or addeth And this I say, that the covenant that was confirmed the law, which was four hundred and thirty years later, cannot disannul, that it should make the promise of none effect." -GALATIANS iii. 15-17.

thereto. before,

THE early church was agitated and shaken by the question of race in its bearings upon the title and the rights of spiritual citizenship. When the domain of the gospel widened beyond the boundaries of Palestine, when new territories were added by the victorious preaching of Paul and Barnabas in heathen states, the problem arose among the Jewish believers, particularly in Jerusalem, on what terms shall the converts from heathenism in Antioch, in Cyprus, and in the Cilician towns, be received into the communion of the church? The strict Jewish believers contended that all Gentile converts must enter the church through the Levitical door. For, the religion of Christ, they said, was the fulfilment of Messianic prophecies uttered only to Jews,-the completion of contracts and covenants solemnly made with the Jewish people, to the everlasting exclusion of other races, and which date back as far as the giving of the law on Mt. Sinai. They claimed the right to impose their religious institutions on the Christians in the new Gentile territories, to force them to keep all the rites of Moses, and thus to become spiritually Jews, on the ground that a Christian was simply a perfected Jew. Any broader theory of church membership and ecclesiastical legislation, they urged, would be irreverent towards the Mosaic law, and inconsistent with their own vested spiritual rights as a nation.

* The sermon here printed was preached in the Hollis street Meeting-house, April 6th, 1854. The writer, finding it difficult to recast it into an essay, has preferred to publish it in its original form, and to throw the thoughts suggested by the passage of the Nebraska Bill, against which the sermon was a protest, into an appendix.

« PreviousContinue »