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sword, now the other a pistol. This blockade to provision a besieged fortis the attitude of the European Powers ress. Here they are undoubtedly and during a war at the present day. And directly assisting one belligerent, and there is no secret made of it, and no equally certainly being the cause of the shame expressed. That assistance by loss of many more lives to the attackindividuals of other countries should ing force. As the law now stands, be given to the belligerents is perhaps those who run the blockade do so withinevitable, but just as many things in out any personal risk. If caught, their private life, which are not expressly cargo and their ships are confiscated, forbidden by law, can only be practised but they themselves go scot free. And sub rosa, and against the trend of since few blockade-runners start withpublic opinion, so we might expect that out sufficient money down to cover in national affairs any assistance this risk, this punishment is not such should be given clandestinely. But this as to deter the contrabandiers from is far from being the case, as may be running the blockade. And neutral terjudged from the recent statements of ritory is openly used to prepare these Monsieur Bompard, French Ambassa- blockade-running expeditions. In dor to Russia, given to a reporter. Shanghai so little secrecy was there This eminent French diplomat had no about the matter, that a case was tried hesitation in discussing openly and in the public court in which the sailors rejoicing over the fact that Russia was of a British steamer had refused to preparing to spend a certain proportion sail because she was going to run the of her money in the purchase of war blockade to Vladivostok. Here we material in France. The most dread- have a British vessel, in a harbor ful part of the matter is, that nobody where British influence is paramount, seemed to be astonished that he should calmly preparing to convey goods to do so. And yet, what would one say Russia to enable her to fight longer of a spectator who handed one of two against the British ally-Japan. Nothfighting men a knife? Reluctantly we ing is done to prevent the ship sailing, are forced to the conclusion that the and the only feeling, should she arrive European nations do not really know safely, would be one of satisfaction at what international morality is, their the cleverness of the British sailingvision is obscured by their desire to master, and the profits of the owners. profit by every opportunity. The re- In the future the laws must place the markable letter of Professor Holland blockade-runners on the same footing to The Times, in which he stated in as belligerents, and make them liable effect that contraband selling was legit to being shot if captured. If a soldier imate so long as the vessel was not is found passing through the line in captured, threw an unpleasant light civilian clothes he is shot as a spy. upon the condition of affairs in the in- What are the blockade-runners but ternational field. What would be said belligerents in civilian clothes ? All of any one who advanced the theory these proofs of the lack of an interthat we could commit murders and not national morality are very saddening, be doing wrong unless we were found evidences as they are of national out? And yet that is the argument decadence and a lack of progress. solemnly advanced by one whose name, The international morals of Japan as an international law expert, is are much higher than those of Europe, world-wide. The question of contra- and this has often resulted in her beband becomes exceptionally acute in ing deceived and taken in by overa case where the ships are running the much confidence in her neighbors. But it is a quality which makes nations own rights, but scrupulously recognizes truly great, and an immoral nation can and performs its duty towards others. never be for long a great nation. Al- Generally peace tells for righteousness; though there are no moral companions

but if there is conflict between the two, for Japan in Europe, there is one in the

then our fealty is due first to the cause

of righteousness. United States of America. The United

Unrighteous wars

are common and unrighteous peace is States feels intense sympathy with rare; but both should be shunned. ... Japan, and does so because she can It is our duty to remember that a naunderstand the motives which actuate tion has no more right to do injustice Japanese policy. These motives are to another nation, strong or weak, too high to be comprehensible to us.

than an individual has to do injustice In the past, the United States have

to another individual; that the same

moral law applies in one case as in the shown outward and visible signs of in

other. ... Within the nation the in. ternational morality. After the bom- dividual has now delegated this right bardment of the Straits of Shimono to the State that is, to the representaseki by the allied fleets to force the tive of all the individuals and it is a Japanese hand, the Americans re- maxim of the law that for every wrong turned the indemnity to Japan. But

there is a remedy. But in international this was the only nation to do so.

law we have not advanced by any Great Britain, whose Fleet acted with

means as far as we have advanced in

municipal law. There is as yet no out orders from London, accepted the

judicial way of enforcing a right in infait accompli, and kept the indemnity. ternational law. When one nation It was the case of a parent who, having wrongs another or wrongs many told his little boy not to steal his others, there is no tribunal before neighbor's apples, on finding that he which the wrongdoer can be brought. has gone and stolen a basketful. for- Either it is necessary supinely to ac

quiesce in the wrong, and thus put a gives him and says, "Give me the

premium upon brutality and aggresapples." The United States also acted

sion, or else it is necessary for the ag. very rightly in regard to the Boxer

grieved nation valiantly to stand up

grieved nation valis outbreak. The message of President for its rights. Until some method is Roosevelt, after his re-election this devised by which there shall be a deyear, is one of the finest expositions of gree of international control over ofthe American idea of international

fending nations, it would be a wicked

thing for the most civilized Powers, for morality that can be found anywhere.

those with most sense of international The steady aim of this nation (wrote obligations and with keenest and most President Roosevelt), as of all enlight- generous appreciation of the difference ened nations, should be to strive to between right and wrong, to disarm. bring ever nearer the day when there If the great civilized nations of the shall prevail throughout the world the present day should completely disarm, peace of justice. There are kinds of the result would mean an immediate peace which are highly undesirable, recrudescence of barbarism in one form which are in the long run as destruc- or another. Under any circumstances tive as any war. ... The peace of a sufficient armament would have to be tyrannous terror, the peace of craven kept up to serve the purposes of interweakness, the peace of unrighteous national police; and until international ness, these should be shunned as we cohesion and the sense of international shun uprighteous war. The goal set duties and rights are far more adbefore us as a nation, the goal which vanced than at present, a nation deshould be set before all mankind, is the sirous both of securing respect for itattainment of the peace of justice, of self and of doing good to others must the peace which comes when each have a force adequate for the work nation is not merely safe-guarded in its which it feels is allotted to it as its

part of the general world duty. There- ble an asset in our national strength. fore it follows that a self-respecting, It must be remembered that the carryjust, and farseeing nation should on ing out in full good faith of the treaty the one hand endeavor by every means

of alliance is all that even the most to aid in the development of the various movements which tend to provide sub

exigent Japanese would expect, and stitutes for war, which tend to render this we ought to do, without being nations in their actions towards one forced to do so by national expediency. another, and indeed towards their own And yet this question of an alliance peoples, more responsive to the general with Japan is distinctly one of nasentiment of humane and civilized

tional expediency. It will pay us better mankind; and on the other hand that

to be allied to Japan than to return to it should keep prepared, while scrupulously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to

our former “splendid” isolation. There repel any wrong, and in exceptional

are not wanting those in England who, cases to take action which in a more had they the reins of power in their advanced stage of international rela- hands, would abrogate the treaty. This tions would come under the head of

they would do for party reasons, being the exercise of the international police.

largely color-blind as to foreign policy. A great free people owes it to itself and to all mankind not to sink into

To tell any politician on the Continent helplessness before the powers of evil.

that there is a party in England op

posed to the Japanese alliance is to In addition to these words expressing lay one's self open to ridicule and derithe American policy. they also voice sion. To the foreign nations such a accurately the Japanese policy. That course is unthinkable. And Japan is the people of the United States recog- no uncertain quantity. She has proved nize that this is so, is shown by the her reliability in the fire of as fierce a very remarkable cablegram sent to the temptation as can ever be placed Emperor of Japan at a banquet to before a nation. Fighting for her naPrince Fushimi in America, at which tional existence, Japan has made no the Assistant Secretary of State, Mr. movement to drag Great Britain into Loomis, assisted. This message ran :- the war, although the bringing of her

into it would have been all advantage The health of the Emperor has just and no disadvantage to Japan. Neither been drunk amid great enthusiasm.

has Japan done anytbing save restrain The sentiment was warmly applauded

China from mixing herself in the war, that the character and ability of the Emperor would prove as potent in the

and so bringing in other Powers. regeneration of Asia as it had been in Japan, having emerged triumphantly the regeneration of his own country. from this ordeal, we cast mud at her,

and disparage the value of the alliance. Which is a very decided answer to the It needs no great discernment to dishysterical Yellow Peril moans of the cover that at the present time a faithGerman Emperor, as well as a vote of ful ally is a very rare possession. We confidence in Japanese morality. There have only to look at the alliances existwould seem to be hope for the world ing in Europe to-day to see how much if these two moral nations have come worse we might have fared. As has together to work for peace and prog- been shown above, on the Continent ress along moral lines. The words and in the Far East, the Japanese penned by Mr. Loomis may help Great alliance means great things to Great Britain to realize her duty and cause Britain. All the gain has been on our all true patriots to rally to the full sup- side, since there can be very few port of that alliance which is so valua- thinking people who can argue that, during this war, we have been profita- come up for settlement were there no ble allies to Japan. Notwithstanding alliance. Neither could any one blame this, the Japanese are quite ready to Japan, if she were cast out as a pariah keep up the alliance with Great nation, from seeking Asiatic friends, Britain, and even to extend its scope. little as she wishes this. The effect In China, Great Britain is nothing, and upon the native races subject to Great less than nothing, unsupported by Britain in Asia might also be worth Japan. It is interesting to recall the consideration. The progress of Japan fact that it is to a Japanese envoy has fired their imagination, but they that the foreign representatives at refrain from seeking her as a leader Peking owe their first reception by the because of the fact that Japan is the Chinese Emperor. In a recent number friend of Great Britain. All which of the Jiji Shimpo, one of the leading goes to prove that on the score of naJapanese newspapers, a policy of ex- tional expediency, if on no other, it is tending the alliance was advocated in necessary to take every measure, not all seriousness. Japan expects to ob- only to secure the continuance of the tain the Island of Sakhalin as one of alliance, but also to infuse international the results of the war, just as Great morality into our dealings with our Britain has obtained a foothold in ally. This fact should make it easier Tibet as another. The Jiji Shimpo ad- and not more difficult for Great vocates a widening of the alliance to Britain to keep adequately her pledged cover the questions of Persia, of Tibet, word to Japan or to any other nation. of India, as well as those of Sakhalin, The case of Japan is a case in point China, and Korea. "Let each ally have at the moment, but the question is one equal rights and benefits. Let the alll- which extends to all British foreign ance, instead of limiting the extent of relations. Besides the immediate the war, serve as a means of prevent benefit to us from the alliance, it may ing all wars. Let each of the allies lead us to that most desired goal of a agree to come to the support of the new triple alliance, for Peace, when the other if attacked. The danger is United States, Japan, and Great Britain equally great for both, because Russia shall stand together as the guardians will not more easily forget Tibet than of international justice and morality. Manchuria.” Thus it would seem as Such a combination would be all-powerif Great Britain might draw still ful, and might well rejuvenate the greater advantages from the Japanese world. Let us be wise in time, and alliance should she so wish. On the not, like the unwise virgins of Scripother hand, if the alliance be ended ture, be left to mourn outside the door. through British action, then there may Great Britain should reform her interwell be cause for anxiety. There are national ideas, and thus ensure the posalready in Australia, and elsewhere, session of at least a sleeping partnerexisting questions which, quiescent ship in the coming dominant combinaduring the alliance, would naturally tion. The Fortnightly Review.

Alfred Stead.


Diffidence is not a marked feature in most virile, determined, uncompromisEnglish character, and there are not ing, and unmanageable factor in Scots many subjects which a full-blooded life. Her attitude expressed in the Englishman will not tackle. It is minds of the people challenges attentherefore almost pathetic to notice the tion, and the English visitor does his hopelessness with which a person who honest best to understand the difhas not had the privilege of Scots ference between the various parties in blood or a training in Scots history ap- what is practically the one Scots proaches ecclesiastical affairs in Scot- Church. It is no reflection upon his land. English visitors cannot remain intelligence that as a rule he fails, and impervious to the prevailing atmos- comes South a chastened man, full of phere, and are obliged, even though questions to which he has not found they be Gallios at home, who care for an answer, and ideas of his own which none of these things, to give their are largely wrong. For centuries attention to the question of the Kirk. Scotland has been one large theological They find at a glance that there are debating society, and the national intelvarious Kirks, and that they are all lect, exercised from school days upon provokingly like one another; they dis- the most profound and speculative cover, on going a little into the matter, themes in Christian thought, has bethat the distinctions between them are come a perfect instrument for the creaextremely subtle but very pronounced, tion of distinctions and the pursuit of and that even the humblest people with inferences. Has any nation produced whom they associate understand them a peasantry so learned in theology? to thoroughly and hold them firmly. Very whom, according to David Deans, “Inlikely those distinctions may not be dependency is a foul heresy, and Anamore important or more unintelligible baptism a damnable and deceiving than those between the different forms error," and to whom an Erastian, a of dissent in England, and the average Romanist, an Arminian, and a CocEnglishman will tell you any day with ceian, as well as all sectaries, are out a blush that he has never been able equally obnoxious. Perhaps the most to distinguish between a Baptist and a wonderful achievement of the Scots Congregationalist. The Scots Kirk has, intellect has not been Hume's philoshowever, in all her branches, her ophy, or Adam Smith's Wealth of divisions, her controversies, her creeds, Nations, but the distinctions which something of the rugged strength and separate the branches of the Scots irresistible fascination of Scots charac- Church; and the second most remarkater and scenery. No one, neither king ble achievement has been understandnor statesman in history, has been able ing them. And my modest but perto treat the Kirk as a negligible haps not unuseful purpose in this artiquantity. If he tried to do so, he got cle is not to discuss the law of a recent into trouble instantly, and very likely momentous decision of the House of had invited a disastrous defeat. From Lords, but to explain the situation, the beginning of her separate history how it came about, what it means, and in the sixteenth century to 1843, the what is likely to be its issue. year of the last battle with the State, Before one approaches the history of the Church of Scotland has been the the divisions in the Church of Scotland

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