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fied: And yet he said he saw not how it could be called a national sin; for, as the king urged upon his trial, it was certain that not one man of ten in the kingdom did consent to it ; nor could it be called the sin of the long parliament, for far the greatest part of them were all that time, while the thing was in agitation, imprisoned, and kept under a force, and scarce twenty-seven of the forty that were left to carry the name of a parliament, did give their vote for it;* which the commissioners for the trying of the King's judges, in the year 1660, (some of whom had been themselves members of the long parliament,) urged again and again in answer to that plea which the prisoners stood so much upon, that what they did was by authority of the parliament. But

borough's house, where my Lord then lived, being just over against Charing Cross, divers of the Countess's gentlemen and servants got upon the leads of the house, from whence they could see plainly what was acting before Whitehall. As soon as his Majesty came upon the scaffold, some of the household came and told my Lord Primate of it, aud asked him if he would see the King once inore before he was put to death. My Lord was at first unwilling; but was at last persuaded to go up; as well out of his desire to see his Majesty once again, as also curiosity, since he could scarce believe what they told him unless he saw it. When he came upon the leads, the King was in his speech. The Lord Primate stood still and said nothing, but sighed; and lifting up his hands and eyes full of tears towards heaven, seened to pray earnestly. But when his Majesty had done speaking, and had pulled off his cloak and doublet, and stood stripped in his waistcoat, and that the villains in vizards began to put up his hair, the good Bishop, no longer able to endure so dismal a sight, and being full of grief and horror for that most wicked fact now ready to be executed, grew pale and began to faint : so that, if he had not been observed by his own servant and some others that stood near him, who therefore supported him, he had swooned away. So they presently carried him down and laid him on his bed, where he used those powerful weapous which God has left his people in such affictions, namely, prayers and tears ; tears, that so horrid a sin should be committed ; and prayers, that God would give his prince patience and constancy to undergo these cruel sufferings : and that he likewise would not, for the vindication of his own honour and providence, permit so great a wickedness to pass unpunished.”

* In the whole of this palliation of the Long Parliament, may be traced much of the old Presbyterian leaven, which continued to work in the minds even of good men, long after the Restoration, and to support the uncontrollable power of Parliaments. But Judge Jenkins has shewn, page 352, that the two Houses, without a king, “ were no more a PARLIAMENT, than a body without a head is a man.

In his Lex TERRÆ the loyal old Judge gave his deluded countrymen the following correct information : “ We of the king's party did and do detest monopolies, and ship-money, and all the grievances of the people as much as any men living. We do well know, that our estates, lives, and fortunes are preserved by the laws, and that the King is bound by his laws. We love Parliaments : if the King's judges, council, or ministers bave done amiss, they had, from the third of November 1640 to the tenth of January 1641, time to punish them, being all left to justice: where is the King's fault? The law saith, the King can do no wrong, that he is Medicus Regni, Pater Patriæ, Sponsus Regni, qui per annulum is espoused to his realm at his 6 coronation ; the King is God's lieutenant, and is not able to do an unjust thing:' these are the words of the law.

“ One great matter is pretended, that the people are not sure to enjoy the acts passed this Parliament, a succeeding Parliament may repeal" them : The objection is very weak; a Parliameut succeeding to that may repeal that

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it is manifest it was done by a prevailing party in the army, who (as he used to express it) having beaten their ploughshares into swords, could not so easily beat their swords into ploughshares again, as having fought more for victory and dominion than for peace and truth : But how far these men were acted and influenced by another sort of people behind the curtain, * the world is not altogether ignorant. For some years after King Charles the Second came in, he observed the yearly day of humiliation for this sin, desiring that God would not lay the guilt of blood to the charge of the nation.”+

Immediately after the murder of his Majesty, a warm dispute arose among the Calvinists, respecting the degree of blood guiltiness which attached to each of the prevailing parties, the repealing Parliament : That fear is endless and remediless. Parliaments are as the times are. If a turbulent faction prevails, the Parliaments are wicked, as appears by the examples recited before of extreme wicked ParJiaments : If the times be sober and modest, prudent and not biassed, the Parliaments are right, good, and honourable, and they are good medicines and salves; but in this (the long] Parliament excessit medicina modum.

“ In this cause and war between the King's Majesty and the two Houses at Westminster, what guide had the subjects of the land to direct them but the laws ? what means could they use to discern what to follow, what to avoid, but the laws? The King declares it treason to adhere to the Houses in this war : The Houses declare it treason to adhere to the King in this war: Treason being such a crime as forfeits life and estate, also renders a mau's posterity base, beggarly, and infamous, the subjects for a great and considerable part of them look upon the laws, and find the letter of the law requires them to assist the King, as before is manifested. Was ever subject criminally punished in any age or nation for his pursuit of what the letter of the law commands ?

“ The subjects of the kingdom find the distinction and interpretation now put upon the laws-of abstractum and concretum, Power and Person, body POLITIC and NATURAL, PERSONAL

presence and VIRTUAL,—to have been condemped by the law; and so the King's party had both the letter of the law, and the interpretation of the letter cleared to their judgments, whereby they might evidently perceive what side to adhere to: what satisfaction could modest, peaceable, and loyal men more desire ?"

I prefer to quote from Jenkins's, pamphlets, rather than from larger treatises, because they serve to shew that no grounds whatever existed for Baxter's republican excuse in a. preceeding page,. (323) that “ the people were many of them uncertain which party was the higher and of greatest authority: Some thought the KING, and others thought the PARLIAMENT," &c. Many of them undoubtedly chose for their own interest to remain uncertain which of these two powers was the greatest ; though they could scarcely be ignorant of the Law of the Land on that point, many thousands of Jenkins's pamphlets having being published in a cheap form and gratuitously distributed among the people.

* This, the reader will perceive, relates to the Papists, who, according to the prediction of Archbishop Laud, page 337, had introduced themselves among " the several sects and divisions, and brought the Pope a far greater harvest than he could ever have expected without them.” See also the extract from Baxter, page 295.

t. “ The villainy of the Rebels proceeding now so far as to try, condemn and murder our excellevt king on the 30th of this month, (Jan. 1649,) struck me with such horror, that I kept the day of his martyrdom a fast, and would not be present at that execrable wickedness, receiving the sad account of it from my brother George and Mr. Owen, who came to visit me this afternoon, aud recounted all the circumstances." EVELYN's Diary.

Presbyterians and Independents.* The author of the Sample of True Blue Presbylerian Loyalty, has very equitably awarded the proportion of guilt due to each of them in the subjoined

* From that confused medley of monstrous excuses for rebellion and fanaticism entitled Orme's Memoirs of Dr. John Owen, we are, in the subjoined extract, presented with a striking contrast to the fastings and humiliating services of Mr. Henry, Mr. Evelyn, Archbishop Usher, and other conscientious men, on that mouruful occasion and its annual return :

“ With some it may be enough to involve Owen in the guilt of the Regicides, that he was employed by them to preach on such an occasion, as the day after the king's death. The apology made by him in regard to another affair is here, perhaps, quite as applicable : His superiors were persons • whose commands were not to be gainsayed.' They were aware of the importance of having their conduct sanctioned, even in appearance, by, a preacher of Owen's respectability ; and on this account, it is probable, be was chosen to discharge a function, which it is impossible to suppose be would have coveted. Perhaps, they expected he would defend or apologize for their measures. If they did, they must have been grievously disappointed, as the discourse maintains a profound and studied silence on the awful transaction of the preceding day. It is founded on Jeremiah xv, 19, 20.; and was published with the title of · Righteous zeal encouraged by Divine protection from which a direct application to the recent events might be expected. Extremely little of this, however, occurs. The text and context were both very suitable to the circumstances of the country, and, in a general way, he uses them for this purpose. But he is exceedingly cautious of committing himself hy, expressing an opinion, either of the court, or the country party; wbich plainly implies, that while he was not at liberty to condemn, he was unwilling to justify. He tells the parliament very faithfully that much of the evil wbich had come upon the country, bad originated within their own walls,' and warns them against oppression, selfseeking, and contrivances for persecution."

In this flaming Independent's ever-varying defence of Owen's republican and seditious sentiments, he shews himself in no wise scrupulous concerning the mode adopted by him for the exculpation of his hero. Thus, in the present instance, while endeavouring to prove Owen's cunning and strength of nerve in the moderation of the eulogy which he pronounced on the murderers of his lawful sovereign, he has recourse to the preposterous trick of representing him as a complete time-server : For he makes this open avowal, “ The apology made by Owen in regard to another affair, is here perhaps quite as applicable. His superiors were persons whose commands were not to be gainsayed !” Such an injudicious eulogist and defender, as Mr. Orme, can see no impropriety in complying with the commands of superiors, when they are issued for palliating murder and rebellion. Even by his own showing, what a stain is this upon the character of the supple preacher! A vast difference may here be perceived between the couduct of Owen and that of a naturalized foreigner, Meric CASAUBON, the worthy and loyal son of the famous Isaac Casaubon, concerning whom it is said: “ In 1649 [the very year in which Owen's sermon was preached,] Mr. Greaves of Grays Inn, an intimate friend of uur anthor, brought him a message from Oliver Cromwell, then Lieutenant General of the Parliament Forces, to bring him to Whitehall to confer with him about matters of moment, but his wife being then lately dead, and not, as he said, buried, he desired to be excused. Mr. G. afterwards came again; and our author fearing some bad consequence of the affair, desired to know the meaning of it, with which Mr. G. refused to acquaint him. But at last, returning, he told him, that the • Lieutenant General intended to promote him, and to employ his pen in writing the bistory of the late wär, desiring at the same time that the matters of fact might be IMPARTIALLY represented.' Dr. Casaubon returned his hearty thanks for the honour iutended him, but declared, that he was incapable in veral respects for such an employment, and could not so im

partially engage in it but that his subject would oblige him to make such reflections as would be ungrateful, if not injurious, to his lordship.' Not

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quotation : « "I think it needless for me to mention any of the words of King Charles the First : His injuries and blood cry louder than the voice of thunder. • If a robber,' says Salmawithstanding this answer, Cromwell seemed so sensible of his worth that he ordered, that, upon the first demand, there should be delivered to bin three or four hundred pounds by a bookseller in London, whose name was Cromwell, whenever his occasions should require, without acknowledging auy benefactor at the receipt of it. But this offer he rejected, though his circumstances were then mean. At the same time it was proposed by Mr. G. who belonged to the library at St. James's, that if our author would

gratify Cromwell in the request above-mentioned, he would restore to him • all his father's books, which were then in the royal library, there, being

given by King James, and would give him a patent for three hundred pounds per annum, to be paid to the family as long as the youngest son of • Dr. Casaubon should live:' But this was likewise refused."—Yet that was Dut a solitary instanse, among, the suffering Episcopal Clergy, of integrity and incorrupt fidelity. I produce it in this place, because the subject of it was afterwards called to endure some of Owen's coarse invectives, for having exposed bis conduct when Vice-chancellor of Oxford, in putting his bat upon his head when the Lord's Prayer was repeated in Christ Church at the conclusion of Divine Service. In reference to the doctor's publishing solemn denial of the truth" of this report, Mr. Orme causes it to appear almost as plausible as his own ingenious figments about Baxter's “ positive charges preferred against Owen, as the grand instrument in pulling down Richard" Cromwell: On which, in his usual style he magisterially asserts, “ The interoal evidence is by no means in favour of the correctness of these statements !” The memory both of Owen aud Baxter was unaccountably treacherous and shy, when called upon to deliver their records of past misdeeds; too frequently, on such occasions, they took advantage of lapsus annorum, and could on no account be induced to recollect. It is on record, however, in one of Owen's publications, that he had a great antipathy to the use of the Lord's Prayer after “ the good, long, solemn prayers of himself and other gifted individuals. His own expressions on this subject are here subjoined : “ I ask, whether the repetition of these words [Our Father which art in Heaven, &c.] after men bave been long praying for the things contained in them, as the manner of some is, be not so remote from any pretence or colour of warrant in the scripture, as that it is, in plain terms, RIDICULOUS !” In those days of lax scholastic discipline, the man who could call the appendage of the Lord's Prayer to a mere human perfor mance “ RIDICULOUS,” would feel no hesitation at expressing his dislike of that Divine " Form of sound words," with consummate effrontery, by placing his hat on his pate, or by marching out of the Church.

But Mr. Orme is not conient to rest his defence of Owen at that “ critical juncture” on " the modesty and inoffensiveness” of his Fast-Day discourse immediately after the murder of his majesty: He tells us, Owen's superiors

were aware of the importance of having their conduct sanctioned, even in appearance, by a preacher of Owen’s respectability; and on this account, it is probable, he was chosen to discharge a function which it is impossible to suppose he would bave coveted.” The reader may form some judgment of Owen's respectability as a preacher by comparing it with some of his violent associates in the ministry, whose seditious expressions are quoted in a succeeding note, page 387. His previous respectability is laid, even by Mr. Orme himself, on the very infirm basis of violent Republicanism and Independency. It appears principally to rest on his having deserted the ranks of Presbyterianism, for wbich act he was rewarded with the living of Coggeshall, after he bad been deprived of that of Fordham. Of this latter eveut Mr. Örme relates some mystifying circumstances : “ On a report that the sequestered incumbent of Fordham was dead, the patron presented another to the living, and dispossessed Owen. From this it would appear, that, in such cases, the parliamentary presentations did not permanently interfere with the rights of the patron, &c. In this curious manner is Owen's removal narrated: Some mystery lurks beneath the whole transaction, which requires some further elucidation.

US,

well.”

sins, "surprizing'a traveller in a wood, should disarm him, rob

him, strip him and tie him to'a tree, and a wild beast of the forest, coming upon him thus bound should fall uporr him, tear

As to Mr. Orme's assumed “ probability," that Owen “ would not have coveted the discharge of this function," he is either himself grossly mistaken in the estimate which he has formed of the man's character, or be wishes to misrepresent him to others. For “it is impossible to suppose" any republican enterprise in which that rising and ambitious ecclesiastic would' bave refused to engage. His Calvinistic obsequiousness bad been sufficiently approved : In compliance with “ the signs of the times,” which, according quotation in a subsequent page, from Phillips's Continuation, then portended good to Independency, Owen soon took his station in the congregational : ranks, and obtained a good and competent share of sequestered ecclesiastical booty. His ambition aimed at higher preferment, than either the living of Fordham in Essex or that of Coggeshall afforded. His biographer informis

“It does not appear that Owen's silence on the subject of the King's death lost him the favour of Parliament : for, on the 19th of April following, we find him again preaching before it, and the chief officers of the army, when he delivered his celebrated sermon on the shaking and translation of the heavens and the earth; for which he next day received the thanks of the House and an order to printit. It was this sermon, I apprehend, that introduced Owen to the acquaiutance of Cromwell, who then heard him for the first time, and was much pleased with the discourse. Cromwell,.... Jaying his hand upon Owen's shoulder, in the familiar manver which he used to his friends, said, “Sir, you are the person I must be acquainted witb.'Owen modestly replied, “That will be much more to my advantage than yours.' [A very modest hint indeed!} - We shall soou see that,' said Crom

And they did “soon see it :" For, by the usurper's interest, Owen immediately received an order for £100 per aunum, as one of the parliamentary chaplains; he was soon afterwards appointed Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, 'a situation which the excellent Dr. Hammond bad long occupied, and froin which he had only a short time previously been ejected; he was then appointed Vice-chancellor of the Upiversity and created Doctor'in Divinily : and he could proceed no further in the career of his ambition, than to bis election as a meinber of Cromwell's servile Parliament, in which he sate as representative for Oxford. His prevarication aud Jesuitry in that Parliainent, as stated even by his admirers, cannot fail to remind one of the bebaviour of a modern ecclesiastic, more learned than Owen, yet his compeer in levelling notions : The reader will here anticipate my mention of the late JOHN HORNE Tooke, who was, at the period to which I have alluded, a clergyman in orders. Owen was at length outwitted by some of his republican friends, who employed him as their instrument in drawing up a petition to Irinder Cromwell's acceptance of the title of King. Mr. Orme

says, disappointment [of the usurper's hopes] was not likely to be forgotten by Cromwell. His conduct did not advance bis interest at court; for, from this time, he does not appear to have been much about Cromwell. Cromwell's death took place in the same year, and Owen deelares, that he had not seen him for a long time before.-All those are evidences of declining favour; but the most conclusive proof soon followed. On the third of July, the Protector resigned the Chancellorship of Oxford; his son Richard was chosen successor on the eighteenth ; who, in six weeks after, dismissed Owen from the office of Vice-chancellor, and appointed Dr. John Conaut, a Presbyterian and Rector of Exeter College, in his room. It was a happy circumstance both for binıself and inankind, that be was soon afterwards compelled to retire from public life, and had abundant leisure afforded to him of amend. ing his ways, which had been exceedingly sinuous and cruel, and was left to lay a less exceptionable foundation for fame in the composition of such works of piety as his Exposition of the Epistle to the Hebrews, Discourse on the Holy Spirit, Meditations on the glory of Christ, &c.

But Orme proceeds thus in his exculpatory effusions : “ Perhaps they expected he would defend or apologize for their measures. If they did, they must have been grievously disappointed, as the discourse maintains a pro

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