6. It is stated in the allegations that the number of persons sentenced to forced labour runs into millions. These persons are allegedly confined in numerous camps located at widely scattered points throughout the Soviet Union. The conditions in the camps are bad, and the death rate among the prisoners is high.

7. It has further been alleged that millions of persons have been deported either from one part of the Soviet Union to another or from neighbouring countries to the Soviet Union. Many of these deportations are alleged to have involved forced labour.56

Despite this mountain of evidence, G. M. Malenkov, speaking before the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet in March 1950, unhesitatingly denied this evidence in the following terms:

Our enemies are resorting to the grossest falsifications and deception. Take for instance, the hullabaloo they raise in connection with their charge that the Soviet Union has what they call "forced labor" *** 57

As a matter of fact, Karl Marx, in the "Communist Manifesto," called for "the establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture" (point 8, sec. II).

CONCEALMENT AND CONSPIRACY

When Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels penned their "Communist Manifesto," they flaunted their revolutionary doctrines before the world, disdaining concealment and subterfuge. They said:

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.58 Even V. I. Lenin, arch-conspirator that he was, demanded honesty and straightforwardness of his followers when it suited his current purpose. His words were recalled by the Moscow Pravda in 1937:

Our Party never conceals its aims and tasks * * *. The Party demands the same honesty and straight-forwardness of every Communist * * * A real Bolshevik is never insincere before his Party, before the working class, before the working masses. Duplicity, hypocrisy, deceit-all these are poisonous weapons from the arsenal of our enemies.50

But the policy of openness, straightforwardness and candor was precisely what Lenin rejected in actual practice in favor of doubledealing, evasion and conspiracy and these precepts have been enshrined in the works of Lenin, on matters of organization, published and studiously followed by Communist Parties throughout the world. Let Lenin speak for himself. He demanded:

A small tight kernel consisting of reliable, experienced, and steeled workers with responsible agents in the chief districts, and connected by all the rules of strict conspiracy.60

Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labor, United Nations, International Labor Office Geneva, 1953, pp. 426, 427.

57 Pravda, Mar. 10, 1950; Soviet News, Mar. 21 and 22, 1950.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Manifesto of the Communist Party" (International Publishers, 1932).

V. I. Lenin, "Straightforwardness and Honesty" quoted in Pravda, Feb. 27, 1937.

60 V. I. Lenin, "Lenin on Organization" (International Publishers, New York), p. 74.

He also said:

The time has fully matured when it is absolutely necessary for every Communist Party systematically to combine legal with illegal work ***. Illegal work is particularly necessary in the army, the navy and police *** 61

And furthermore:

It is necessary
*** to agree to any and every sacrifice,
and even-if need be-to resort to all sorts of strategems,
manoeuvres, and illegal methods, to evasion and sub-
terfuges *** 62

And finally:

Conspiracy is so essential a condition of an organization of this kind that all other conditions (the number and selection of members, their functions, etc.) must be made to conform to it.63

The CPUSA harps upon the fact that it "bases its theory generally on the *** principles of scientific socialism as developed by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and V. I. Lenin." Yet it sets itself up as an organization which would expel from the party, any member "who adheres to or participates in the activities of any group or party which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, weaken or overthrow any institutions of American democracy through which the majority of the American people can maintain their right to determine their destinies." 64 Of course the Communist Party would not admit that any institution of American democracy would enable the "majority of the American people" to "maintain their right to determine their destinies." So the party seeks to satisfy the principles of Lenin and the Smith Act simultaneously.

VIOLENCE AND TERRORISM

The CPUSA goes further in its latest constitution wherein it threatens with expulsion any member "who *** advocates force and violence or terrorism ***" 65 Reassuringly the constitution adds: "We advocate a peaceful, democratic road to socialism through the political and economic struggles of the American people within the developing constitutional process. 11 66 But the advocacy of force, violence and terrorism is indeed a fundamental tenet of MarxismLeninism as shown below.

Disdaining to conceal his views, Marx, in his "Communist Manifesto," asserted that the Communists "openly declared that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions." 67 Lenin gives categoric endorsement to Marx's

V. I. Lenin, "Theses on Fundamental Tasks of Second Congress of the Communist International". (1920), "Selected Works" (International Publishers, New York, 1943), vol. X, pp. 172-173.

Left Wing' Communism: An Infantile Disorder" by V. I. Lenin, 1920, "Selected Works" (International Publishers, New York, 1943), vol. X, pp. 95-96.

V. I. Lenin, "Lenin on Organization," p. 99. Chicago: Daily Worker Publishing Co., 1926.

Art. VII, sec. 2, Constitution of the Communist Party, U.S.A., Proceedings of the 16th Nationa. Convention of the Communist Party, U.S.A., Feb. 9-12, 1957, p. 343.

"Ibid., p. 343.

"Ibid., p. 335.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Manifesto of the Communist Party" (International Publishers New York, 1932), p. 44.

position, declaring, "The proletarian revolution is impossible without the forcible destruction of the bourgeois state machine." 68 Lenin specifically stated that the existence of "a military and a bureaucracy" which justified this step in France in the days of Marx, "do exist in England and in America now." 69 "We have never rejected terror on principle," he added, "nor can we do so." 70

Lenin was in fact a diligent student of what he called "the art of insurrection," in which he gave his followers the most precise instructions, namely:

Now, insurrection is an art quite as much as war or any other and subject to certain rules of proceeding, which, when neglected, will produce the ruin of the party neglecting them * **. Firstly, never play with insurrection unless you are fully prepared to face the consequences of your play. Insurrection is a calculus with very indefinite magnitudes the value of which may change every day; the forces opposed to you have all the advantage of organization, discipline, and habitual authority; unless you bring strong odds against them you are defeated and ruined. Secondly, the insurrectionary career once entered upon, act with the greatest determination, and on the offensive. The defense is the death of every armed uprising; it is lost before it measures itself with its enemies. Surprise your antagonists while their forces are scattering; prepare new successes, however small, but daily; keep up the moral ascendancy which the first successful rising has given to you; rally those vacillating elements to your side which always follow the strongest impulse, and which always look out for the safer side; force your enemies to retreat before they can collect their strength against you; in the words of Danton, the greatest master of revolutionary policy yet known, "de l'audace, de l'audace, encore de l'audace!"

Such instructions by Lenin even went so far as to advise killing of persons, and robbery, in the interest of the revolutionary party. We quote his words:

The armed struggle pursues two different goals * * * in the first place the goal of the killing of individual persons, higher officials and subalterns in policy and army; second, the confiscation of funds both from the government and from private persons. The funds seized go in part to the Party, in part for the arming and preparations of the uprising, in part for the support of the persons who conduct the struggle."2 Nor did Marx hold forth a less bloody prospect for the revolution he advocated in these drastic terms:

every time a general overhauling of society is about to take
place, the last word of social science will, to quote George

6 V. I. Lenin's "Collected Works," vol. XXIII, 1918–19 (International Publishers, New York, 1945), pp.
354, 355, 356.
69 Ibid.

70 V. I. Lenin, "Selected Works" (International Publishers, 1943, New York), vol. II, p. 17.

"V. I. Lenin, "Selected Works" (International Publishers, 1943, New York), vol. VI, pp. 291, 292, "Can the Bolsheviks Retain State Power." Quoting from Friedrich Engels, "Germany, Revolution and CounterRevolution."

72 V. I. Lenin, "Der Partisanenkampf, Saemtliche Werke, Band X," pp. 113-126, written prior to the London Socialist Congress of April-May 1907.

Sand (1804-76), "War or death; a bloody fight, or extinction.
Such is the unavoidable alternative!" 73

Thus when the Communist Party, U.S.A., repudiates those who advocate "force and violence or terrorism," and when it declares that it advocates "a peaceful, democratic road to socialism," it must either admit that it repudiates the principles of Marxism-Leninismwhich it has never done or it must admit that it is hypocritically taking two completely contradictory positions in order to make itself acceptable simultaneously to both Moscow and the United States.

DEMOCRACY AND THE CONSTITUTION

The Constitution of the Communist Party, U.S.A., adopted in February 1957, states flatly that:

The Communist Party upholds the achievements of American democracy and defends the United States Constitution.74

While it should be noted that the CPUSA boasts that it "upholds the achievements of American democracy" and not its institutions and while such support is conditioned upon what the party considers an achievement, it is well to compare this with the following attitude of Moscow, the citadel of Marxism-Leninism, toward the American Constitution:

The history of the U.S. Constitution clearly shows that it was not created by the people and not for the people * * *. It is not by accident that they are making bitter jokes in the United States that the U.S. Constitution is not worth the paper on which it is printed.75

At this point it might be well also to examine the position of the apostles of Marxism-Leninism toward the entire question of democracy and popular government, and ask whether the Communists have any faith in it. We recall the words of Marx in his letter to Engels dated from London, July 13, 1851, indicating their "plan of war against democracy":

It was the address to the (Communist) League which we drew up together at bottom nothing but a plan of war against democracy."

76

In more modern times, Stalin expressed his utmost contempt for those who make a "fetish" of democracy, when he declared:

Certain Party organizations make of democracy a fetish, look at it as though it were an absolute value independent of the time and the place. I wish to tell them that democracy is not granted for all times and all conditions, because there are moments when there is no possibility and no sense in practicing it."

"The Poverty of Philosophy" by Karl Marx, Quelch's translation, pp. 159-160. Twentieth Century Press, London, 1900.

74 Proceedings of the 16th National Convention of the Communist Party, U.S.A., Feb. 9-12, 1957 (New Century Publishers, New York), p. 335.

75 Valentin Zorin commentary, Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Dec. 4, 1958.

Karl Marx to Friedrich Engels, London, July 13, 1851 ("Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels Correspondence, 1846-95," International Publishers, New York, 1936, p. 39).

"Joseph Stalin, quoted by A. Gavrilov, "Inner Party Democracy of the Bolshevik Party," State Publishing House of Political Literature, Moscow, 1951, p. 7.

The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be "complete" democracy, democracy for all ***. The talk of Kautsky and Co. about universal equality, about "pure" democracy, about "perfect" democracy and the like, is a bourgeois disguise of the indubitable fact that the equality between exploited and exploiters is impossible.78

Stalin's distrust of democracy was expressed at the Potsdam Conference when the future of the former German satellite countries was discussed. At that time he declared:

Any freely elected government in these countries (former German satellites in the Balkans) will be an anti-Soviet government and we cannot allow that.79

As a matter of fact, Marx welcomed the democratic republic as the final form of capitalism, during which the class struggle would reach its ultimate conclusion:

***It is precisely in this last state form of bourgeois society (the democratic republic) that the class struggle has to be fought out to a conclusion * * * 80

Under conditions where democracy has been established, Marx clearly indicates that the struggle for its establishment is not final, but only a preliminary to efforts on the part of the Communists to push it to the limit of terroristic methods and to encourage its final overthrow.

Above all things, the workers must counteract, as much as is at all possible during the conflict and immediately after the struggle, the bourgeois endeavours to allay the storm, and must compel the democrats to carry out their present terrorist phrases. They must act so as to prevent the immediately revolutionary excitement from being suppressed again immediately after the victory. On the contrary, they must maintain it as long as possible. Far from opposing so-called excesses, instances of popular revenge against hated individuals or public buildings that are only associated with hateful recollections, such instances must not only be tolerated but the leadership of them must be taken in hand * * *. They must demand guarantees for the workers as soon as the democratic bourgeois set about taking over the government. If necessary they must obtain these guarantees by force ** * In general, they must in every way restrain as far as possible the intoxication of victory and the enthusiasm for the new state of things, which make their appearance after every victorious street battle, by a calm and coldblooded estimate of the conditions and by unconcealed mistrust in the new government * But in order to be able energetically and threateningly to oppose this party whose treachery to the workers will begin from the first hour of victory, the workers must be armed and organized ***. Weapons and munitions must not be surrendered on any pretext.81

**

78 J. Stalin, "Problems of Leninism" (Foreign Languages Publishing House: Moscow, 1953), pp. 51-52. 79 Joseph Stalin-at Potsdam Conference, as quoted by Philip E. Mosely-"Across the Green Table From Stalin," Current History, September 1948, p. 131.

80 Karl Marx, "Critique of the Gotha Programme" (International Publishers, New York, 1938), p. 19. 81 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Address of the Central Council to the Communist League" (1950) in Karl Marx, "Selected Works" (Cooperative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the U.S.S.R., Moscow, 1936), pp. 163, 164.