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territory. The lightning Soviet expansion following that victory resulted from the liberalities of the Allied leaders at Yalta, and these liberalities would have been inconceivable if the same leaders had seen in the Soviet regime as black a despotism as Hitler's. The very fact that they were able to connect this regime with the values the democracies had fought for, that they associated concepts of historical progress or popular finality with it, amply paid back the Kremlin, in a single day under the Crimean sun, for the milliards of rubles invested for decades in spreading such illusions. China succumbed because of ideological contamination much rather than military supremacy. Czechoslovakia only collapsed as a result of ideological contamination. of its cadres. All the Middle-Eastern countries that have tipped into the neutralist camp-which is actually partial to Moscow-have been lured into it solely by the charms of propaganda coupled with political undermining. The decisive role of Communist propaganda in the rejection of the European Army has already been mentioned.

At present the idea, eminently favorable to the Soviets, of neutralizing Germany is gaining ground in one western circle after another, owing exclusively to the action of the huge Soviet machine for spreading fallacies: the Kremlin has good chances of having American soldiers go home, handing over the area it is after, without having fired a shot-through sheer persuasion.

It should be emphasized that no criticism is implied here of the military effort of NATO. Indeed this effort can only be fully approved of. It is clear that if we let the Soviets surpass us in military strength it will mean immediate disaster. For they will not be so scrupulous as was America when it had a monopoly of the atomic bomb but never used it against the Soviets to back up its political aims. Once convinced of possessing decisive superiority in armament, the Kremlin would subjugate the free world whether we liked it or not.

We must therefore congratulate ourselves on having a SHAPE and weapons. We must even urge it to increase its effort so as not to be overtaken. But it must also be said, as on the question of economic aid, that this necessary and praiseworthy military effort is not enough by itself. Just as NATO, by equipping, insures that a war of missiles will not take place, so it has to equip for the war that consequently becomes crucial: the war of minds. If not, it will repeat the tragic mistake of the Maginot line. It will be armored on one front and the enemy will pass on another. In 1939 the Nazi enemy passed beside, across a territory not defended by France because it had been baptized "neutral." This time the Communist enemy will pass underneath, through a political territory which, owing to a similar fetishism, is not consolidated either, because it supposedly falls exclusively within the sphere of the domestic affairs of each country. That is exactly why the enemy takes root there quickly. The strength of each single country is not sufficient to resist Soviet propaganda. Here is a vital task for NATO to assume.

Besides, the efficiency of our defense depends on effects of propaganda, even purely from the point of view of military technique. An atomic war is likely to be won or lost in the first quarter hour. The moment the Kremlin is convinced that western leaders, bound by a restive and weak-willed public opinion, will hesitate a quarter of an hour before starting reprisals it will rush to the attack. And then hesitancy will either continue and there will be enslavement, or it will

dissipate and there will be butchery. In any case disaster will have been brought on by the fact that enemy propaganda was able to cause wavering in our behavior.


To undertake this necessary recovery it is important for the West to believe it possible. To do so we must rid ourselves of two motives for despair.

The first is letting ourselves be intimidated by the Soviet propaganda and infiltration machine. In this paper we have emphasized its hugeness, but it should not be concluded that in this matter the Soviets are demiurges who cannot be equaled. They are only the first to have chosen consciously to use propaganda as a machine in itself. As soon as this method is clearly understood, as soon as the will to put it to use is acquired, no special genius is required. Any group of men with adequate material means can do it.

And even at a much lower cost than the Soviets, because it is surely much more costly to sell lies for someone who wants to subjugate minds by trickery than it is to sell truth for someone who means to leave them free and simply provide them with antidotes.

The second trap to avoid is the notion carefully cultivated by auxiliaries that "propaganda is of no use." This is an unsubstantiated and nefarious statement. Why should the Soviets shoulder the colossal effort we have discussed if it only results in turning out worthless merchandise? And who can say where we would be today if even the tiny counterpropaganda effort made by the West had not been forthcoming, that is if no one had ever exposed Communist tyranny and impostures?

The truth is that up to now counterpropaganda has not had the desirable effectiveness, not because it has been excessive, but because it has been absurdly insufficient compared to the Communist propaganda confronting it. And a fortress is not proved impregnable because it cannot be scaled with a stool.



While it is true that NATO cannot assume direct responsibility for all the necessary counterpropaganda, it seems on the other hand that it might supply member governments with weapons for political resistance. For this purpose it would be highly useful to create an institute for ideological resistance to all forms of Soviet propaganda.

This institute, working on a scientific level and consequently raising a minimum of objections, would have the following missions, which can be no more than summarized here, and the details of which would require a special study:

(a) Collecting and studying all facts concerning the overt and underground propaganda carried on by the Soviets against the democracies, elucidating its ways, means, and stratagems, revealing the different masks it puts on according to circumstances, recording and computing its development, evaluating its effects.

(b) Diligently informing Allied Governments on these points. (c) Enlightening public opinion by means of documented synopses released to press and radio organs. The institute could also publish

books and pamphlets and arrange lectures on the specialist or the general public level. It should, finally, correct in releases the fallacies. about communism that blind, mislead, and paralyze the dynamic forces of the free world.

(d) Preparing and suggesting counterpropaganda themes and means of counterinfiltration.

(e) Organizing regular series of courses on Communist methods to which member countries would send high officials concerned with. them, and to which journalists and politicians would also be invited.

(f) Studying a possible extension to all free countries of provisions such as articles 4 and 18 of the French and German Constitutions, which reflect the idea that the Communist machine seriously impairs the functioning of democracy. The possibility of an International Civic Code calling upon all political groups in NATO countries to respect democratic standards, this as a means of breaking the totalitarian machine of Communist parties.

(g) Inviting citizens of African and Asian countries who will exercise professions involving leadership of their people-teachers, radio speakers, doctors, entrepreneurs-to train them by apprenticeship periods of 1 or 2 years so that they may return home bearing ideas of freedom and warned against Communist impostures.

(h) Setting up one or several schools to train a legion of missionaries of freedom who will spread out through the world. This is an essential task.

In sum, this institute would constitute a crucible of ideas, a center of awareness, an arsenal of arguments, a school for friends in the common struggle on the front of freedom.

The organization of such a center on the NATO level is justified by the fact that Soviet propaganda is a single supranational force. It is in fact the only one to have actually had this character to date. It therefore calls for equally supranational resistance-and first of all a laboratory and a brain."

In order to enjoy greater flexibility the institute could have a certain autonomy with regard to NATO and also serve organizations like SEATO and the Baghdad Pact. It could have corresponding centers in all free countries.

It may be objected that the type of international action here proposed is unprecedented. No doubt, but can a new war in our century be prepared for with old stockpiles? Intercontinental ballistic missiles with nuclear charges were also unprecedented. If the enemy assails us with unprecedented propaganda weapons must we give up the thought of defending ourselves because it would involve resorting to unprecedented means?

Truly we must react without evasion or letting ourselves be stopped by any kind of formalism. We must react quickly and vigorously, bringing into play the highest moral authorities, the surest political skills, the widest material means.

It is H-hour minus 5 on the battlefield of the war of minds.

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ORGANIZATIONS DESIGNATED UNDER EXECUTIVE ORDER No. 10450 [Compiled from memorandums of the Attorney General dated April 29, July 15, September 28, 1953, January 22, 1954, April 4, September 21, and October 20, 1955)


This list is prepared solely for the information of Federal civilian officers and employees and for the convenience of persons completing applications for Federal employment. Membership in or affiliation with a designated organization is one factor to be considered by the departments and agencies of the Federal Government in connection with the employment or retention in employment of individuals in Federal service.

Abraham Lincoln Brigade.

Abraham Lincoln School, Chicago, Ill.

Action Committee To Free Spain Now.

Alabama People's Educational Association. (See Communist Political Association.)

American Association for Reconstruction in Yugoslavia, Inc.

American Branch of the Federation of Greek Maritime Unions.

American Christian Nationalist Party.

American Committee for European Workers' Relief. (See Socialist Workers Party.)

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born.

American Committee for Spanish Freedom.

American Committee for the Settlement of Jews in Birobidjan, Inc.

American Committee for Yugoslav Relief, Inc.

American Committee To Survey Labor Conditions in Europe.

American Council for a Democratic Greece, formerly known as the Greek Ameri

can Council; Greek American Committee for National Unity.

American Council on Soviet Relations.

American Croatian Congress.

American Jewish Labor Council.

American League Against War and Fascism.

American League for Peace and Democracy.

American National Labor Party.

American National Socialist League.

American National Socialist Party.

American Nationalist Party.

American Patriots, Inc.

American Peace Crusade.

American Peace Mobilization.

American Poles for Peace.

American Polish Labor Council.

American Polish League.

American Rescue Ship Mission (a project of the United American Spanish Aid Committee).

American-Russian Fraternal Society.

American Russian Institute, New York, also known as the American Russian Institute for Cultural Relations with the Soviet Union.

American Russian Institute, Philadelphia.

American Russian Institute of San Francisco.

American Russian Institute of Southern California, Los Angeles.

American Slav Congress.

American Women for Peace.

American Youth Congress.

American Youth for Democracy.

Armenian Progressive League of America.

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