A five-man secretariat, consisting of Dennis, Hall, Davis, Lumer, and Jackson, will be the day-to-day operating authority of the party. Although the positions of national chairman, national secretary, and general secretary theoretically are of equal importance, Hall is indisputably the new party chief. It will be remembered that Joseph Stalin once bore the title of general secretary of the Russian Communist Party-a position from which he became dictator of all communism.

Two important conclusions can be drawn from the national convention's leadership decisions:

(1) The party will remain in the future-as it has been in the past-an obedient slave of Moscow.-No new personalities were brought into the party's top leadership. Rather, leadership is today exercised by the same corps of hardened, disciplined, veteran Communists who feel that Moscow represents the final goal of all of mankind's hopes. So-called rightwing Communists are not represented. They have either voluntarily resigned in complete disillusionment or been coldbloodedly purged. These rightwingers believed that the party in America should have some choice in its tactics of operation, not be completely bound by Moscow. This slight deviation cost them dearly. Communists should know there is only one road-that defined exclusively by Moscow.

Proof of the growing monolithic unity of the party is further shown in the changes made in the party's constitution by the convention. These changes eliminated features stemming from the previous convention which allowed greater freedom to local party units. The 1959 changes eliminated these rights and centralized control in national headquarters. They are in full accord with the historic Communist principle of democratic centralism which asserts that once a decision has been made in the party it must be carried out without dissent.

(2) The elimination of factionalism, making the party a more unified and more compact organization. Especially since the death of Stalin, the party has experienced factional disputes. These "factionalists" have now been liquidated or driven to cover. This was the theme of Gus Hall's summary remarks just before the end of the convention. Speaking with gusto, this new Communist commissar declared that "we" now have one policy, one line, and one direction. Interpreting the convention, Hall stated it gave a mandate to the leadership to completely destroy and burn out all elements of factionalism and that the leadership must carry out the mandate. Hence, in his words, the party cannot permit factionalism.

So, in the days ahead, we can expect an ever-increasing emphasis on party discipline, with all dissidents being eliminated. This is truly in the tradition of international communism which has no place for free speech and free thought.

Every action of the convention was designed to make the party a hard-hitting, versatile, and mobile weapon of attack against our form of government.

Why is the party so optimistic for the future? Why were Gus Hall and other Communists almost gleeful in speaking of Communist possibilities in the days ahead?

The answer comes from the convention proceedings-an answer which, like a thread, runs through all the remarks, actions, and hopes

of the leadership. It is: that the recent visit of Premier Khrushchev to the United States has done much to create an atmosphere favorable to communism among Americans. In one convention discussion, for example, it was stated that as the result of the Khrushchev visit the American people have open minds toward socialism. Hence, the party must learn how to get socialism across to the people and break down misconceptions about the Soviet Union.

To party leaders, Khrushchev's presence in this country has eased the way for party activities. The Communists see the possibility of gaining still more influence in American society. Gus Hall, in his keynote speech on the convention's first day, was most sensitive to this point. He stated:

* the central question of this convention is: What is the role of the party in this entirely new situation? How can it now move out into the broad stream of the people's movement? How can it break the bonds of its isolation and become more and more effectively a factor in the life of our Nation *

He then went on:

We want to participate in, organize, and lead the broadest of united front movements on every level-in a thousand ways, in 10,000 places, on 100,000 issues—if possible, with 180 million people.

Note the scope of Communist hopes-180 million people or the entire United States. The buoyant optimism of the party is geared to plans to take advantage of an international climate which, in their eyes, is aiding their work. Americans can look forward to a period of renewed party agitation in all fields-always hoping to increase party strength and influence. The Communists will endeavor to gain allies wherever they can be found, creating fronts, launching infiltration programs, participating in all phases of American life.

This "new hope" program of communism in the United States is geared to concrete programs both (1) building up the party apparatus itself, and (2) increasing party influence in the Nation as a whole.

Party leaders realize that a strong party organization is absolutely necessary to a successful agitation program. The convention adopted a number of programs to strengthen the internal operational structure of the party.

A resolution was adopted calling for the immediate launching of an intensive membership drive to run to May 1, 1960, aimed at increasing membership by 10 percent. This resolution outlined a program which calls for each party district to advise the national office by the end of January 1960, as to its specific plans for recruitment. To show the urgency of this task, the resolution asserted that each national committee member must adopt a personal quota of new recruits. In addition, each Communist Party club must adopt a quota. Moreover, each national officer will be designated to a specific district to aid in this nationwide recruitment program.

The training of party members also must be stepped up. This will mean more party schools. In the Communist Party, education (really meaning indoctrination) is of vital importance. Every member must be deeply imbued with the principles of Marx, Engels, and Lenin.

The convention also adopted reports about the status of the Worker, the party's weekly publication. It was pointed out that the Worker was the lifeblood of the party and that strengthening this paper must be one of the party's chief aims. The Worker does much to guide

members, giving them the latest twists of the party line. Circulation of the Worker is now approximately 14,000, and the party wants it to be increased to 25,000 in 1960. The convention also accepted a resolution to the effect that the Daily Worker, which was discontinued in 1958, be reinstituted in the shortest possible time but preferably prior to the 1960 national elections in the United States. To the party, the Communist press represents one of its most effective methods of propaganda. In addition, it was recommended that the new national committee should set a date for the next fund drive, probably from January 13, 1960, to May 1, 1960. (The date of January 13 was selected as on this date in 1958 the Daily Worker was discontinued.)

Hence, the convention has given new guidance and enthusiasm to the party's recruiting, indoctrination, and propaganda campaigns. As one of the speakers stated, this was a convention to build the Communist Party, U.S.A.

Communist Party, U.S.A., follows Lenin

Virtually every move taken at the 17th National Convention of the Communist Party, U.S.A., has its roots in the teachings of the early gods of communism. In 1902, Lenin wrote:

We must "go among all classes of the people" as theoreticians, as propagandists, as agitators, and as organizers. *** The principal thing, of course, is propaganda and agitation among all strata of the people * * *.

In 1920, Lenin was even more explicit regarding the manner in which the seed of communism was to be planted in fertile areas of unrest, dissension, and strife:

Every sacrifice must be made, the greatest obstacles must be overcome, in order to carry on agitation and propaganda systematically, perseveringly, persistently, and patiently, precisely in those institutions, societies, and associations-even the most reactionary-to which proletarian or semiproletarian masses belong * *

Naive, indeed, is the minority, class, or dissatisfied group which lets its banner pass into the hands of the Communists, for this banner will be held aloft by the Reds only so long as it serves the purpose of expediting the Communist objective of domination over all classes. Youth

If for a moment any American considers the Communists to be blind to opportunity, let him consider this vile tactic which came out of the 17th national convention:

It is obvious to the Communists that, if its party is to survive, it must attract the youth of this Nation. As newspapers and other media reveal almost daily, many of America's juveniles are in a state of upheaval-adult authority and morality have been spurned to the point where juvenile arrests in this country in 1958 increased 8 percent over the preceding year.

During the convention, an Illinois Communist took note of the juvenile delinquency situation and proposed that if "we" provide them with a place to go and with activities, they will not be so delinquent; "we" can move them in a positive direction.

What can be more despicable or dangerous to our democracy than this sort of Red Pied Piper trickery?

Negroes

Another of the major aims of the 17th national convention was to reemphasize the recruitment of Negroes into the Communist Party by reembellishing the same old hackneyed phrases alleging that the Communist Party is the savior of the Negro. It is no secret that one of the bitterest disappointments of communistic efforts in this Nation has been their failure to lure our Negro citizens into the party. Despite every type of propaganda boomed at our Nation's Negro citizens, they have never succumbed to the party's saccharine promises of a Communist Utopia. This generation and generations to come for many years owe a tremendous debt to our Negro citizens who have consistently refused to surrender their freedoms for the tyranny of communism.

Behind the Communists' scheme of recruiting Negroes is deceit as there is in every one of their designs. The Reds are not so interested in the Negro as they are in using him to further Communist goals. This is clearly shown by instructions issued by the Communist Party, U.S.A., to its members as early as 1925:

The aim of our party in our work among the Negro masses is to create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead the struggle of the Negro race against exploitation and oppression in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary movement of the whole American working class, to strengthen the American revolutionary movement by bringing into it the *** Negro workers and farmers in the United States to broaden the struggles of the American Negro workers and farmers, connect them with the struggles of the national minorities and colonial peoples of all the world and thereby further the cause of the world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Negro resolution adopted by the convention discarded the party's historic position advocating "self-determination," meaning that Negroes should be given the right to form a separate nation in the Southern States. Stalin had defined "self-determination" in these words:

* the right of the oppressed peoples of the dependent countries and colonies to complete secession, as the right of nations to independent existence as states. The 1959 convention resolution hence represents a party admission that its position concerning Negroes is bankrupt. Time itself has shown that the party is not interested in the welfare of the Negro, but only in using him as a tool to advance party interests.

Other minorities

During the 17th national convention, much was made of the party's responsibility of championing the causes of such groups in the United States as the Mexicans, Japanese-Americans, Puerto Ricans, and, a relatively new target, the American Indian. Again, such pseudo concern by the party is readily made apparent by its history of exploiting any area of unrest.

As early as 1921, the Communist International laid down the following rule to be followed by foreign Communist parties affiliated with the Comintern:

In countries whose population contains national minorities, it is the duty of the party to devote the necessary attention to propaganda and agitation among the proletarian strata of these minorities.

The choice of the words "propaganda" and "agitation" belies any "noble" motive which those who are easily beguiled might ascribe to the international Communist conspiracy.

Labor unions

The 17th national convention reaffirmed the party's constant aim of attempting to infiltrate and dominate labor unions to turn them into a tool for communism-to make them recruiting areas for additional members in the Communist movement.

The 17th national convention's 10-page draft resolution on trade union problems contains the pious statement that—

the fact that Communists have no interests apart from those of the entire working class must be brought home to the American workers again and again. Actually, the party's burning desire to grab control of labor unions is nothing more than an attempt to carry out one of Lenin's most necessary rules to achieve communism:

It is necessary to be able to withstand all of this, to agree to any and every sacrifice, and even-if need be-to resort to all sorts of devices, maneuvers, and illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuge, in order to penetrate into the trade unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work in them at all costs.

Certainly, the Communists' glittering generalities of "freeing the workingman" and securing "better working conditions" for him can never take the place of the free bargaining system under our democracy. No semantic windowdressing will ever disguise the true objective of communism-to make slaves of workingmen.

The man masterminding the party's unscrupulous attempts at infiltrating labor unions is Irving Potash, national labor secretary. His sordid background indeed makes a farce of the party's claim that it has no interests apart from those of the entire working class. Born in Russia in 1902, he has an arrest record dating back to 1919 for criminal anarchy, conspiracy to influence and intimidate witnesses, conspiracy to teach and advocate the overthrow of the U.S. Government by force and violence, and illegal reentry into this country.

Potash has been dedicated to the Communist movement since his early youth and has been described by a party comrade as "a guy who has never betrayed the party line." In 1931, he placed his own picture on a passport issued to another person and utilized this pass

port to travel to Bussis, to is metien his home, to travel to Russia to attend the Lenin School. Although Potash has stated that he considers America his home, there is no indication he has made any efforts to obtain U.S. citizenship in the 46 years he has called America his homeland. He has, however, frequently and consistently invoked the constitutional privileges of an American citizen when questioned by various congressional committees regarding his Communist Party membership and activities.

Farmers

In considering what position the Communist Party, U.S.A., will take during the 1960 political campaign, those in attendance at the 17th national convention were provided with a document containing a 10-point program which the party would support. One of these concerning farmers is ridiculous per se when examined in the light of the ultimate aim of communism. Despite the slaves in the communes of Communist China and the state-owned collective farms and farm machinery in Soviet Russia, the Communists in America have the