task of hanging him. With this natural development through activities suited to each age, the children of a settlement neighborhood graduate, as it were, into positions of usefulness, responsibility, and leadership in the upward movements of their neighborhood. Out of a community of diverse nationalities we may be able to grow a citizenship that shall combine the good qualities of them all, and create the new American stock."

The Association, which represents the effective and successful merger of the two pioneer societies in the field of civic improvement, has about 1,600 members, of which nearly 300 are organizations.

The ordinance of 1787 provides Preserve that "the navigable waters leadNiagara ing into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United States and those of any other States that may be admitted into the Confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor." This clause is made, in the resolution adopted by the American Civic Association at its meeting last week, the basis for the claim that "the people of the whole American continent are vitally concerned in the preservation of Niagara Falls," and for the request that the President of the United States and the Governor-General of Canada appoint a joint Commission to consider and report upon immediate measures to preserve this greatest cataract in all its beauty and grandeur. The reader will observe that the phrase which we have italicized above is evidently framed for the purpose of including unnavigable shoals and rapids in such navigable rivers, around which goods would have to be carried by road or canal. It is doubtful whether this provision constitutes a legal prohibition of the use of the Niagara Falls for purposes of commerce unless such use impairs its qualities as a highway. But it recognizes a real interest in the people of all the States in Niagara River, and gives them all a moral right to demand its preservation. The Outlook has heretofore urged that the preservation of this scenic wonder is a proper subject-matter for a treaty

between the United States and Canada. Certainly it would be wise, and perhaps it would be necessary, that New York State should be made in some way a party to this treaty. Governor Higgins would render a great service to the entire Nation, as well as to the people of the Empire State, if he would in his next message urge the Legislature of that State to make its own this request of the American Civic Federation to the President of the United States, and by joint resolution ask him to take the preliminary steps toward an international treaty which would forever guard this splendid gift of God to the American people from the hand of the spoiler.

No Reciprocity for Canada

The Hon. George E. Foster was Canadian Minister of Finance for many years; he is an advocate of an Imperial preferential tariff, besides being strongly in favor of adequate protection for Canadian industries. His recent article in the Boston "Transcript " may be taken as a fair exposition of the conservative Canadian attitude. As a result of experiences with America during the past forty years, Canadians have arrived, according to Mr. Foster, at two wellestablished convictions: (1) that it has been and is wasted effort for them to seek for fair and candid trade treatment from the United States; and (2) that under the changed conditions Canadians are wiser to develop their trade along other and independent lines. Mr. Foster admits that the second conviction is by far the more important of the two. "The few scattered provinces of fifty years ago have widened into a vast country with seaboards thirty-five hundred miles apart, between whose waters lie nine organized united provinces, comprising an area of sixteen hundred thousand square miles, joined by splendid lines of communication and all instinct with the stir and tension of development." In what way, then, would a reciprocity treaty with the United States affect the situation? asks Mr. Foster. First, it would reverse the ideals and tendencies of Canadian development. Geographically, competition would be

unequal. Reciprocity would work for northern and southern lines of trade and transport, the shortest possible in Canada. Secondly, a reciprocity treaty is possible only by a fixed agreement for a series of years. This would mean that during those years freedom of fiscal action would be practically prevented, no matter how widely different the conditions might become at home and abroad. "The United States might be inclined to use the situation as a most powerful leverage to influence political developments, even to the point of union between the two countries." Thirdly, any desire in the States for reciprocity with Canada is due to the need for more markets for the growing surplus of those States. American mills would like to grind Canadian grain, American smelters to refine Canadian ores, etc. But, asks Mr. Foster, why should we not grind our own wheat, refine our own minerals, etc.? In his opinion, every consideration which induces the United States to desire a reciprocity treaty with Canada appeals with more force as a reason why Canada should steadily hold her course of independent self-government on the lines now laid down.

Considering the unreliability of the student population in Russia, the friends of educational progress in that country have latterly feared, not so much that progress would not be made, as that some possible forward step might have to be taken back. The Czar's recent welcome ukase granted to professors the liberty of electing rectors and deans, replacing the previous harsh system of governmental appointment; at the same time the Government showed an unprecedented toleration in the matter of public meeting. This toleration was manifest a fortnight ago in two instances, both at Moscow. The first was the case of the Zemstvo Congress, when inflammatory speeches were made, though in the presence of the Government authorities. The next instance was that of a meeting of some two thousand students of the University, at which twelve hundred signed

Educational and Industrial
Difficulties in Russia

a declaration that they purposed "to make the University a revolutionary center and to turn the lecture-rooms into political schools.” But the students did not stop there. They allowed agitators from outside the University to take part in their meetings. Prince Troubetsky, the rector, is an ex-president of the Zemstvo Congress; he is perhaps the foremost Liberal of Russia; he owes his recent election as rector solely to the Imperial ukase of a few weeks ago. But he instantly showed that his liberalism meant liberty, not license. He promptly closed the University, and its six thousand students were left free to vent their spite outside. Thereupon they attempted to hold meetings and make demonstrations at various places. Several hundred even journeyed to St. Petersburg, ostensibly to take part in the funeral of General Kondrachenko, the Port Arthur hero, really to promote a disturbance in which the St. Petersburg university students were to join. The student unrest at Moscow was peculiarly unfortunate, because it coincided with that of the striking bakers and street railway employees. On Sunday of last week, the crowd of strikers assuming threatening proportions, and the prefect having given to the police martial authority, the crowd was charged by horse and foot. The sabers and carbines of the troops were met by the crowds with stones and revolvers. It is impossible to estimate the casualties, as, directly after the mob was dispersed, the streets were cordoned, and the dead and wounded removed into yards, the gates of which were at once closed. Many men, students, and youths were arrested and dragged into the prefect's courtyard, and were there made to run between two lines of Cossacks, fifty men on a side, who brutally struck at the victims with knouts and the butt-end of rifles. Truly the way of educational and industrial progress in Russia is a complicated one.

element. The five Opposition parties decided to combine under one instead of five leaders. They chose as their head Franz Kossuth, the son and namesake of the great leader of 1848. The new leader promptly took advantage of the opportunity to explain his views of the present controversy. While that controversy is divided into three parts, electoral, fiscal, and military reform, the last named is the real point at issue. The leader of the united coalition declares that in the Austro-Hungarian agreement, on which the Dual Empire is founded, no mention is made of any "common" army. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all "all those things which refer to the commanding and administration . . . of the Hungarian army." But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army should be commanded in German. While it has not specifically forbidden such a thing, in another part of the Constitution it is provided that the language of public services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. Therefore, Franz Kossuth, the younger, asks whether or not the army is a public service? Besides this, he frankly explained:

A century ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army. When the combination with Austria came about, the officers were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too lazy-there is no other word for it-to take the trouble to reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly left the language of command to be determined, constitutionally, later. But we also expressly

confined it within the limits of our own Constitution . . . and we spoke of a Hungarian army, not a common one.

Both the Hungarian Radicals and the Emperor-King realize that some way out of the present situation must be reached at an early date, for the Hungarian exchequer is almost empty, owing to the impossibility of making any regular collection of taxes, thus rendering more difficult the payment of the officials, teachers, and railway men employed by the Government.

The Irish Revival

The announcement that Dr. Douglas Hyde, President of the Gaelic League, is coming to this country for the purpose of lecturing on the origin, significance, and results of that movement, and on the folk and poetic literature of Ireland, will interest all those who value this characteristic expression of Gaelic sentiment and feeling in behalf of its language and literature. The Gaelic League was formed twelve years ago for the purpose of keeping the Irish language as a spoken language, and of preserving and disseminating its literature as well as fostering a new literature. Dr. Hyde, who is known in Ireland as Craoibhin Aoibhinn (pronounced Creeveen Eevin), has been its president from the start. The movement made little progress at the beginning, but the men who were connected with it were enthusiastic Irishmen who believed that nothing could save Ireland from the obliteration of its racial and spiritual lines and its decline into the position of "the most western county in England" save a revival of the old Irish spirit and an appeal to Irish loyalty and sentiment. Language, literature, folk-stories, musical dances, games, were revived; the old literature was republished; a new literature appeared, and the Irish drama was created. Six years ago Dr. Hyde, who had been indefatigable in this work, published a literary history of Ireland, which is, in comparison with existing works, of the first importance and magnitude. The country at last has caught fire. Almost every town has organized its festival and offered prizes for Irish music, dancing, and literature. Over two hundred thousand books and pamphlets are distributed by the League every year, and something like a rebirth of the imaginative and æsthetic life of Ireland has taken place. More than one Irish leader in Parliament has privately confessed of late years that Irishmen were weakest in political action; that they were outweighed in political action at every point by the English; and that the true way to regain Irish influence is to give the Irish genius a chance to express itself along its own lines; to influence English sentiment, in other words, along lines of Gaelic strength. This "Irish Ireland"

movement has no political or religious aspects; it is an endeavor to reawaken the Irish spirit and stimulate it to vigorous self-expression. Practical results are seen in the extraordinary progress of the study of the Irish language; in the interest with which the Irish drama has been received; in the revival of old customs, old songs, stories, and games. The movement has been due very largely to Dr. Hyde's persistence, enthusiasm, and power of expression; and he will be heard with great interest in a country which is sympathetic with every movement looking toward the free and full expression of national genius.

Gymnastics at the Vatican

Pius X. is certainly startling the world with his reforms. One month he advises Roman Catholics, "under certain circumstances," to go to the polls; the next month he abolishes indulgences; the next, he holds a gymnastic celebration in the grounds of the Vatican ! Last week no less than forty Roman Catholic societies, an aggregate of over five hundred young men from all Italy, took part in those exercises, which included track athletics, running, walking, and bicycle racing. It is well that there should be some such safety-valve as this for manifestations of loyalty from young, liberal Roman Catholics to Pius X., for it may no longer be manifested in St. Peter's by acclamation and shouting as formerly. On all the cards of admission to the various Papal masses there is now printed a warning against applause, “at the special request of his Holiness." With the stifling of the old cry of "Viva il Papa-Re" the silence is broken only by the Papal march blown by the silver trumpets in the gallery overhead as the Supreme Pontiff enters the church. And the silence is peculiarly impressive because of the repressed enthusiasm on every hand. "I wish the Pope were not so religious as to forbid cheering," said one fervent admirer in St. Peter's recently. "At least I can give a Chautauqua salute," replied a young American seminarian. And many were the handkerchiefs waved by those who would have liked a noisier demonstration.

The Root of Graft

Because holders of public office live in the open, their misdeeds, when discovered, become a matter of general comment. There has, therefore, been fostered the notion that politics is defiling. In the minds of most people there is a suggestion of the sordid in the very name politician. The word "graft," as used to denote personal profit acquired by the misuse of power, authority, or trust, is generally applied to the illegitimate gains only of public officials or Government employees. The spirit of graft, which Mr. Howard describes in another part of this issue, is commonly supposed to thrive in the atmosphere of Government offices and party headquarters. This notion is used to reinforce the arguments of those who consider that government best which governs least. It lurks in almost every argument against the municipal ownership and operation of public utilities; it is implicit in every protest which is made against the enlargement of governmental functions, on the ground that such enlargement means an extension of grafting operations. A corollary to this notion is the proposition that the evil of graft could be reduced if only the processes of government could be simplified and its activities diminished.

There is good ground for believing, however, that graft flourishes no more— probably, indeed, less-in the public service than in private business. The very glare of popular scrutiny, which reveals so shockingly every now and then some conspiracy, intrigue, or loose practice on the part of men, high or low, in the employ of the people, serves, like the sunlight, as a prophylactic. A man's conscience is mightily reinforced if he knows that any lapse from its injunctions is likely to be followed by a public scandal. More than one man who has gone from the executive management of a great and successful business enterprise into the executive management of a Government department has testified that of the two, the Government department suffered the less from dishonesty. It is not a mere coincidence that at the time when the Nation has been shamed

by the discovery of frauds in the disposal of public lands, it has been astounded by the revelation of far deeperseated wrong in the conduct of private companies carrying on the business of life insurance. Both disclosures are the result of a popular impulse-which has recently stirred the whole American people, as mysteriously as the impulse to stampede stirs the herd on the plain to bring rascality, dishonest practices, and parasitic "systems to light. The pitiful pretense of the Senator who pleads that he is serving his constituents when he enables a political supporter to profit at the expense of the Federal Government is more than matched by the effrontery of the officer of an insurance company who talks about the surreptitious temporary transfer of untrustworthy securities as if it were a bonafide sale in the interest of the policyholders. Were it as easy to inquire into the petty details of private business as it is into the clerical practices of Government departments, it would in all probability be discovered that as much stationery, apparatus, and personal service is misappropriated in the business concerns of New York as Mr. Howard declares is misappropriated in the departments at Washington. A grafter is a grafter, whether he is the servant of the whole body of citizens, or of a large number of policy-holders, or of a limited. number of stockholders, or of a single individual. His offense is the same whether he committed it in contracting for a supply of mail-boxes for the United States Post-Office, or in purchasing varnish for the cars of a railroad, or in buying a set of harness for his employer's stable.

Wherever one person exercises authority in behalf of another, in any transaction, there may be found a chance for graft. That does not justify any man in railing, like Thersites, at all his fellow-men and belaboring them with epithets. Because graft is cultivated outside Governmental preserves, there is no ground for suspecting that this Nation is becoming a land of knaves. Graft is abnormal. To say that it is to be found in every kind of business and in every grade of the social scale is not to say that it prevails. It is

to say, however, that the evil of graft is of the sort that does not yield to superficial treatment. The cure for graft must be radical. It is to be found, not in hedging office-holders about with guards, but in diffusing among all classes of people the principles of common honesty.

The remedy for this evil that threatens political and commercial life alike is the cultivation of intellectual discrimination and of moral sensitiveness. The man who would be honest must have his wits about him as well as his conscience. It is not always easy to tell where an action passes beyond the limits of the legitimate. The use of official letter-paper for a personal message it would be, in most instances, ridiculous to question. To take batches of stationery home in order to be saved the expense of buying personal stationery it would be, in any instance, difficult to defend. To draw the line between the two requires some intellectual discrimination. So does the exercise of discretion in the multitude of cases in which every executive officer is called upon to spend the money he administers. The man who has cultivated in himself the sense of responsibility to discriminate wisely is on his guard against graft. But he cannot discriminate unless he has preserved his moral sensitiveness. Only recently a certain man was inveighing against the grafting practices of insurance officials. It transpired, in the course of the conversation, that he was a carpenter on an estate, engaged at a regular salary; that he had been told by his employer to have certain repairs made, provided the price did not exceed ten dollars; that he had had the repairs made at a cost of six dollars and a half, reported the expense as ten dollars, and pocketed the difference. He was utterly unconscious of the inconsistency between his action and his judgment concerning insurance methods. It is because in small matters thousands of men like him make use of their position to reap private profits that we have public officials engaged in land frauds, and insurance directors profiting by syndicate transactions with their company. The few public officials and insurance directors may go to jail; but the evils for