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ike the other native American The Elderly Hawaiians in Old groups, Hawaiians have witnessed the disintegration of their once stable society, the decimation of their people. and the denigration of their traditional customs. These experiences have left their mark. but there is a growing sense of pride. ethnic identity, and optimism among the Hawaiian people and an awakening appreciation for their culture. Older people are central in this contemporary framework, as they were in the past, for they are the reservoirs of knowledge. Hawaiian heritage and its continuance are ensured when that knowledge is shared with future generations.

The kapu system of prohibitions and restrictions governed the daily activities and behavior of people. No attempt was made to dominate the land or the plants and animals therein. Rather, there was a deep respect for the environment and an emphasis on living in harmony with nature. The second author remembers that during her childhood no one threw opala (trash) into the streams or sea or dirtied the earth. No one swam in or befouled the water to be drunk. The lesson remembered was: everything is a gift and everything should be shared. For this reason, for example, some fruit was always left on the trees for the birds; nothing was taken greedily or wasted as tomorrow's needs were always considered.

Family consciousness was a unifying and deeply felt force among the Hawaiians. Ohana, the family clan or extended family, is derived from oha, the root of the taro plant, the staple in the Hawaiian diet, and signifies the same root of origin for its members. The 'ohana included makua-the parents and all relatives of the parent-generation; kupunagrandparents and all relatives of the grandparent generation: and keikithe children. The aumakua, ancestor gods, also were included in the Johana. They had the ability to take kino lau, that is, many bodies and forms, such as sharks, owls, rocks, and plants, and could change at will from animal to plant to mineral form. Senior members of the family. including the aumakua, were respected. In them was invested the family authority, which was clearly recognized and obeyed, and their wis dom and knowledge were used to guide the 'ohana. Communication with the aumakua was conducted through ritual and with reverence and was a normal part of 'ohana living. The Hawaiians thus had a clear sense

M.K. Pukui et al. Nana I Ke Kumu (Look to the Source). Vol. 1, (Honolulu, Hui Hanai, 1972).

1 Ibid.

of their link and place in time and received emotional supports from spiritual ancestors as well as earthly members of the family.

Although all kupuna (kupuna is the singular form), or members of the grandparent generation, were respected, the hanau mua was the acknowledged head of the 'ohana. This status was determined, not by age or sex, but by genealogy. To illustrate, the chronologically younger, but eldest in the senior branch of the family served as hanau mua to an older cousin who was the eldest in a junior branch of the clan. The hanau mua was the accepted source of wisdom, the arbitrator of family disputes, the trouble shooter in family problems, and the custodian of family history.' If he or she proved consistently incompetent in the discharge of these responsibilities, the family discussed the problem and selected another elder with whom family members quietly consulted.

Children were cherished in the Hawaiian culture. Parents and grandparents were deeply involved in the hanai ho'ohiwahiwa, or rearing of the young. Boys and girls were taught sex appropriate tasks and educated in the knowledge of the stars (kilo hoku), designing and making implements for tapa work ('oihana kapala kua ula), or deep sea fishing ('oihana ku'ula)-whatever profession the parents and grandparents engaged

'Ibid.

Photo Frank A Botelho

in. The hiapo, first born child, if a girl, was adopted, or taken as hanai, by the maternal grandparents, and if a boy, was the hanai of the paternal grandparents. The child was given outright in a binding agreement when the parents said in the presence of others, Nau ke keiki kukae a na'au,"-I give this child, intestines. contents and all. For the Hawaiians, emotions, intelligence, and character

Em hele i

ka na❜auao o ko kakou ho'oilina e ola mau

Share the knowledge of our heritage that it may continue.

were associated with the guts or intestines, rather than the heart or brains. the first connection to the life giving force being the piko, or umbilical cord. The hanai child knew his or her biological parents and was usually visited by them, but belonged to the grandparents. The Hawaiians placed great value on knowing the family genealogy, ancestor gods, and traditions. Because there was no written language to record this history, the hiapo became the living history book of the 'Ohana. Grandparents served

S.M Kanakau, Aa Pa'e Kahiko-The Peo ple of Old. (Honolulu. Bishop Museum Press, 1964)

5 Pukui, Look to the Source, op ci

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July-August 1981 11

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as mentors and imparters of knowledge regarding social and religious customs. genealogical chants. kapu (restrictions, taboos), and specialized skills and knowledge. The relationship between grandparents and grandchildren was generally very close and one of deep affection-with the elders serving as a link to the past and in the development of the young. In time. the hiapo would assume a position of responsibility, serve as consultant and arbitrator during family crises. and gain the respect and veneration accorded aged members of the 'ohana.

An Evolving Hawaiian Society

The Influence of Non-Polynesians From an isolated. neolithic culture maintained by a subsistence econo

12 Aging

my, Hawaii has evolved into a multi- made available to the Hawaiians iron
ethnic, modern society with all its implements, such as nails and knives.
attendant advantages and disadvan- firearms and explosives. and goods
tages-instant communication with from Western and Asian ports. In
the rest of the world, high rises, daily 1820 the first company of missionar-
jets. super highways, and fast foods. ies set ashore and were appalled by
The external forces which served as the destitution, degradation. and
catalysts to transform the early Ha- barbarism of the almost naked
waiian way of life were introduced by savages.
people who were associated with ex-
ploration and trade, the promulgation
of the Christian faith, agricultural en-
terprises. and the United States, as
officials or private citizens. The in-
flux of non-Polynesians to the Hawai-
ian Islands began with the arrival in
1778 of the Englishman James Cook
and the two ships he captained. the
Resolution and the Discovery. His
visit and subsequent voyages by other
explorers, traders, and merchants

They determinedly set out to win as many converts to the Christian doctrine as possible, to develop a written form of the Hawaiian language, and to educate the ali'i or chiefs, and eventually, the commoners. The realization that the systematic development of agriculture could yield handsome profits spurred the cultivation of sugar cane. and later.

G. Daws. Shoal of Time-A History of the Hawaiian Islands, (New York, The MacMillan Company. 1968).

pineapple, on a large-scale basis. The labor shortage created by such ventures was solved by the induced immigration of plantation workers beginning with the Chinese in 1852 and followed by subsequent waves of Japanese. Filipinos and other ethnically diverse individuals. The overthrow of the monarchy and dethronement of Queen Lili'uokalani in 1893 paved the way for the dominant impact the United States would have on Hawaii -through commercial interests, the military, politics and government, and tourism.

Collectively, these four major influences altered the basic framework of Hawaiian society and moved the islands inexorably into the twentieth century. What are some of the changes elderly Hawaiians have observed occurring to their land and people? One of the most profound relates to the dramatic shifts in demography. Table 1 illustrates the downward trend in population among the Hawaiians, both in absolute numbers and in proportion to the total population. over the last hundred years or so, as well as the increases in all other ethnic groups. The entry of individuals of various ethnic groups, who often came initially to work on the plantations. can be traced by the data in Table 1. Although the Caucasians were among the first "outsiders." their growth occurred primarily after Hawaii figured prominently as a military and tourism center. The best available evidence indicates that there were no more than 300.000 Hawaiians at the time of Captain Cook's first visit, so the slightly more than 70.000 Hawaiians at the time of the first official census in 1853 represents less than one-fourth of the preEuropean figure. The devastating death rate resulted largely from the introduction of diseases by visitors from abroad to which the previously isolated Hawaiians had not developed immunities. Some believe that the

AW Lind. Hawans People (Honolulu. The University Press of Hawan, 1980)

disease factor was not solely responsible for the rapid decline of the native population. Young, a psychiatrist with the University of Hawaii School of Medicine, cites in The Hawaiians the saying Nå kanaka 'oku'u wale aku no i kau 'uhane-''the people dismissed freely their souls and died-to explain the role which the loss of identity, prestige, and cultural elements played in affecting the will to live.

If not resulting in physical death, the press of the outside world certainly brought about the termination of a stable societal order. Although the kapu system provided useful guidelines for sanitation, public health, and the consumption of resources, the same system benefited the ruling class over the commoners and outcasts/slaves and was sometimes abused by the chiefs. The erosion of the kapu system and the rules which governed how individuals related to nature, their gods, and each other destroyed the underpinnings of a traditional way of life. and because there was no ready-made framework to replace it. many Hawaiians were left in a state of cultural confusion.

Cultural conflict was another legacy of the foreigners. The introduction of new behaviors, new viewpoints. new gods, and new ways of relating to one's children, mate, and parents resulted in the severe questioning. and, at times, rejection, of traditional values and institutions. This problem was compounded when children were exposed to standards and practices at variance with those espoused by their parents and grandparents. The charting of new identities and lifestyles with abundant, dissonant, and confusing directional markers was not with out pain and anguish, and, for some. failure.

Another influence introduced by Westerners was the stress on the individual and on competition as the means to achieve goals. As this philosophy gained dominance in the new social order, whether in the educa

tional system or business world, rewards, recognition, and success were awarded for personal achievement and production. The cornerstone of the "Hawaiian way was in direct opposition to this concept, and there was no way of reconciling the two viewpoints. Hawaiians place great importance on human relationships. These affiliative values stress group over individual pursuits and the solving of interpersonal problems. Aggressive, challenging, and confrontative behaviors, or placing another individual in a position of embarrassment or discomfort, are avoided by the Hawaiians, or undertaken at the risk of personal anxiety and group censure. These qualities. taken out of the context of the culture's value system. have been misinterpreted and used to depict the Polynesians as "lazy," "easy going." and "shiftless. The Hawaiian people's achievements-often requiring great will, endurance, and toil-give lie to the view that they are without ambition or the capacity for hard work.

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directly from the cultivation of the soil or from harvesting the sea (the island staples consisted of fish and poi, a product of the taro root), economic success became increasingly dependent on the acquisition of skills which permitted individuals to compete successfully in a capitalistic democracy. The indicators of personal or family attainment and security were now based on the Western standards of financial wealth and private property. Over time, various gauges-personal and family income, personal property and real estate holdings, and bank deposits-indicated that the Hawaiians were below the levels of the Caucasians and even the ethnic groups initially imported as laborers, such as the Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans. The economic and social dislocations became exacerbated during periods of limited resources, limited occupational opportunities, and high costs. The Hawaiians disproportionate lack of financial success has been explained in terms of an incompatability of cultural values and a competitive money economy. Whatever the reason, the resulting disillusionment, anger, and frustrations were not mitigated when the Hawaiians found it increasingly difficult to own or to live off their native land.

Cultural Revival

Within the last two decades, however, there have been positive changes in the milieu in which the Hawaiians find themselves. These transformations have resulted in the uplifting of

the Hawaiian psyche and a strength-
ening of their role in the societal
structure. Following the lead of activ-
ists in other minority groups, champi-
ons of the Hawaiian cause undertook
actions on a number of different
fronts including education, politics,
and land utilization-designed to ad-
vance the status of their people. Al-
though there was dissension among
the people themselves regarding cer-
tain activities and methods, there was
agreement that the preservation of the
culture was preeminent, and spiritual
guidance and the counsel of elders in-
fused all undertakings.

Alu Like. working together."
was incorporated in 1975. One of the
first tasks of this organization was to
conduct a needs assessment of the
Hawaiian people, and, as a conse-
quence, several programs were devel-
oped to meet high priority areas, par-
ticularly for the disadvantaged. In
1976 the Hokule'a, a double-hulled
canoe which was designed and built
to be true to the ancient Hawaiian
vessel, completed the trip from
Hawaii to Tahiti and back again. Per-
haps more than any other single
event, the Hokule'a's voyage galva-
nized a resurgence of cultural pride
and identity. The interest in all things
Hawaiian-music, dance, language.
and crafts-was not limited to the
Hawaiians, and, moreover, it was of-
ten the ancient chants, hula, and prac-
tices which were among the most
popular among all members of the is
land community. The Office of Ha-

the 1978 Constitutional Convention and through enabling legislation passed the following year by the State Legislature. Nine OHA trustees were elected by the Hawaiian people in the 1980 State general election and they will serve to work for the betterment of both Hawaiians (anyone with native blood) and native Hawaiians (individuals with at least 50 percent native blood) through programs organized around economic development, culture, education, land and natural resources, and health and hu

man resources.

Changes in demography cannot be ignored in the evolving status of the Hawaiians. When the native people dominated the islands, their practices and beliefs prevailed. When their numbers shrank precipitously, there were fears that the Hawaiian people and their culture could not survive the impact of increasing numbers of Westerners and Asians to their shores. What was ignored were the strengths of the Hawaiians as a viable reactive, as well as, receptive group. They not only were changed by their contacts with non-Polynesians, but, in turn, had a great impact on the people they encountered. The size of the population with Hawaiian ancestry has increased through the years as a result of intermarriage (see PartHawaiian data in Table 1). Individuals holding membership in this group run the gamut from those whose understanding of their cultural heritage is scant to those who are more zealous waiian Affairs (OHA) was created by and knowledgeable of their

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