luxury, are out of employ, and are obliged to live as à prey upon the public. For inftance: What would become of the tradefmen in London, and the public at large, were the nobility and gentry to be chafed out of the country? This muft be better felt than it can be defcribed, as it is well known to every individual, that all arts, fciences, and trade, have flourifhed, and ftill profper, by the wants of the great and opulent of this kingdom.

There are many perfons in the world to whom vengeance is fweet; and perhaps it is unfortunately but too true, that the violent proceedings of the French make them very proper objects of anger. But revenge ought never to be the ruling paffion of man in any cafe, and leaft of all ought it to be ever directed against a multitude, in which great numbers must be innocent, others ignorant, and only a few guilty.

Though I am, and never have concealed it, even when I ran fome perfonal rifk, a great enemy to the French democrats: though I know their villany, and the unfairness of their way of reafoning, I am far from thinking the majority of the nation guilty; on the contrary, in Paris, where the guilt is certainly the greateft, I am certain that nine out of fen deferve cenfure, only for not having had courage enough to act when it was neceffary.

Men, individually brave, do not always act in civil broils as if they were fo; because, as no fingle exertion can produce any good effect, they only act when they have confidence in others who will act with them. Now, very unfortunately for the inhabitants of Paris, as they had been accustomed to a fort of implicit obedience in affairs of government, and were obliged all at once to become governors, ignorant at the same time of the true bafis of liberty, and its firft principles, which it is too late for men to learn on a fudden at years of maturity, there could be no unity nor mutual confidence among them: nor could even the great neceffity of the cafe unite the inhabitants of a city, formerly drowned in luxury and pleafure; and, ever fince its revolt, the fport of intrigue.

Before the Revolution, France was infinitely too much corrupted for its inhabitants to take advantage of the feeble state of its Monarch, so as to establish liberty; which to men of purer manners and of a leís volatile character, would, at one time, have been not very difficult. At prefent it is only by wading through oceans of blood, and letting adverfity and time teach wisdom to them, that they can ever gain this end. Nay, it is much more probable that they will fall under the hand of fome defpot before they can accomplish their design; for at

prefent,

prefent, governed as they are by the lower order of people, who are the dupes and agents of the most designing amongst themselves, Revolution mult follow Revolution, until poverty, and equality in mifery, will put an end to the conteft; for as long as they who take the lead can have the means of enriching themselves, others, who want to be rich alfo, will overturn them and take their place, as it has happened already.

It is unlucky that in England any language, truly defcriptive of thefe proceedings, and of the perfons who govern Paris, is difgraceful, and feems like the language of anger and prejudice. Facts feem exaggerations; and fuch epithets as fuit the cafe, can only, with propriety, be used at Billingfgate. I fhall not therefore attempt to defcribe the manner in which Paris governs France, but fhall beg leave literally to tranflate language which I myself have heard employed by the people in the gallery of the National Convention to its members; and language that had the immediate effect of making the Affembly obey. I never was lucky enough to be present at a very tumultuous debate. This is a fpecimen of what paffed on every ordinary day, when any question that interested the court, or his late majefty, was difcuffed *,

Upon a queftion feeming to go in favour of the king, the galleries rofe, and faid, with violent geftures and menaces, "Go home, you rafcals; you men hired at eighteen fhillings a-day; you don't deferve them. Shame, fhame, you betray "us; we are your maflers; you are but deputies paid; you "have fold us to the civil lift, you anointed curs; but we know "how to be revenged upon rafcals like you, who were eat up with poverty and lice till we took you into pay, and you dare to betray the nation, you dogs!"

64

I can only fay, that the French expreffions were yet ftonger than those I give. This happened in an evening fitting. I was in what is called "The Suppleant's Gallery," which had but few people in it, though the public galleries were very full.

The effect of thefe threats was inftantaneous; and on counting the voices the third time, for the queftion had not been divided, it was found to be determined against the king, against juftice, and againít common fenfe. Such was, and fill continues to be, the manner in which the violent party triumphs over the majority, upon all occafions, in which it is thought to be worth while. Yet the nation in which laws

The question was concerning the terrace in the garden of the Thuilleries, which garden being hut, they wanted to make public, and by means of that queftion to animate the people against the king; in which they fucceeded very - rapidly, and very completely,

are

are fo paffed, pretends to be free, and to prefent an example worthy the imitation of all the world. It is not from men governed in this manner that England has any thing to fear; and it is furprising that there fhould be men in England fo loft to every fenfe of fhame as to praise the French government; and what adds confiderably to the difgrace of fome fuch perfons is, that they know, perfectly well, that what I have now faid about the galleries, is ftrictly true.

It is notoriously known to all the world, that on the 10th of Auguft the Affembly paffed decrees at the request of every blackguard who appeared at the bar, without fo much as enquiring their names, in many cases; and all the decrees passed unanimoufly for feven days.

Thus a ragged fellow, without coat or hat, and covered with blood, appeared in the name of the nation, and demanded the dethroning of the king; others demanded a republic, and a convention, liberty and equality; and, fince that time, it is by the fame means that they have brought their unhappy monarch to the block; loading him, during his confinement, with abuse, from which, if his former quality of king, if even his virtues and love of his people could not exempt him, he fhould at least have been shielded by his misfortunes.

The French nation is in a state of madness and rage, dangerous to thofe who, without precaution, approach too near, as in'dividual madmen are; but to thofe who, taking the proper measures, attack them where they are leaft able to refift, the danger can be but fmall, and even then must be but of a fhort duration. Without plan, without order, and without industry, what nation can long be formidable? and that the French have any one of thefe great requifites to fuccefs, I defy their most firm friends and ftrongest advocates to prove; and till they can do fo, I must persist in thinking my conclufions no lefs juft and incontrovertible, than I trust they will prove falutary to the nation, in preventing all unreasonable apprehenfion or defpondency.

LIBERTY AND PROPERTY

PRESERVED AGAINST

REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS.

A COLLECTION OF TRACTS.

NUMBER X.

CONTAINING

The Englishman's Political Catechifm. A Few Plain Queftions, and a little Honeft Advice to the Working People of Great Britain.

Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand, near Temple-Bar; where the Bookfellers in Town and Country may be ferved with any quantity.

PRICE ONE PENNY.

THE

ENGLISHMAN's POLITICAL CATECHISM.

Q. WHAT is Liberty?

A. Liberty confifts in the power of thinking what I please, and publishing those thoughts, provided I neither do, nor defign, an injury. It confifts in following what trade or occupation I choofe. In ferving God in any manner that my confcience dictates. In having fecure poffeffion of my own houfe, which is my caftle. In fpending my fortune according to my own inclination, and leav ing it to whomsoever I will.

Q. Do you poffefs this Liberty?

A. I do.

Q. What is Equality?

A. Equality confifts in the being governed by laws which render to every one Equal Juftice. By which, no one can moleft my perfon or my property; which give me unlimited freedom of action, if I commit no crime; which, if I am injured, afford me a remedy; and caufe him who injured me, though ten times as rich, to feel that he is on a level with myself.

Q. Do you poffefs this Equality?

A. I do.

Q. What are the Rights of Man?

A. They are comprehended in his claim to the preced

A

ing

ing benefits. He has a right to think and speak what he pleases, provided he thereby commits no injury. He has a right to follow what trade or occupation he chooses. He has a right to serve God according to his confcience. He has a right to the fecure poffeffion of his own house, it is his castle. He has a right to spend his money as he chooses, and leave it to whom he will. He has a right to be governed by just and impartial laws, by which his perfon and his property are fafe from the attack of violence or oppreffion; and which give him unlimited freedom of action, if he commits no crime. He has a right, if injured, to have a remedy; and to let the proudest and richest experience, if they dare offer him any violence, that they are his Equals, and entirely on a level with himself. Thefe are the Rights of Man, of human nature, the glorious Birth-rights of an Englishman.

Q. Do you poffefs thefe Rights of Man?

A. I do.

Q How became you poffeffed of them?

A. By the ftruggles of my ancestors in the cause of freedom; and by a Revolution without cruelty, or blood-fhed, which placed William the Third on the throne, and drove Яavery and arbitrary power into perpetual banishment.

Q. Are you threatened with the lofs of thefe benefits? A. No one will prefume to threaten Us. We can only lose them by our own weakness or folly.

Q. Do you perceive the advantages of them?
A. I do.

Q. In what?

A. In the general profperity of the Nation-in its extenfive commerce-in its riches-its agriculture---its manufactures---its arts and fciences---its humanity---and liberality-in its being the moft flourishing empire at this time exifting on the face of the globe; and in its being the envy of the whole world. Thefe are the advantages poffeffed by England; because we poffefs, and have poffeffed for an hundred years paft, real Liberty, true Equality, and the genuine Rights of Man.

Q. If then you fee and know the advantages of these bleffings, will you not endeavour to preferve and defend them?

A. I will, at the hazard of my life.

Q. Are there any who with us deprived of thefe precious, thefe peculiar advantages which we enjoy under the British Conftitution?

*A, I fear there are.

Q. Whe