Government do, and the legislative branch of the Government do. Let's get on with it.

We have not had that at all.

Senator HARRIS. May I add to that discussion, Mr. Chairman.

I hope that this report will be helpful to the President and helpful in building support for the programs which he has already been advocating and which have been before the Congress for some time.

But more than this, I think there are serious implications for each one of us as individuals in this report. Each of us can do a great deal whether we serve in the Congress or are simply private citizens. I think if it is true, as I found it was while serving on this Commission, that our society and our schools are systematically destroying young people, then we ought to take to heart the observation of Čamus, who felt that in a society which believes in torturing children, each of us can do something to make life better for at least one child who is near us. I think there are implications for all of us in the Commission's report.

Senator KENNEDY of New York. We are destroying these children and these human beings as much as we are destroying the human beings if we don't provide them with the ammunition in the fighting in Vietnam. I think that is essential.

If you don't provide them with ammunition, their lives are in jeopardy, but if we don't provide these children with an education and training, their lives are equally in jeopardy.

Senator CLARK. Let's not forget we are destroying a lot of middleage and old people, too.

Senator JAVITS. Mr. Chairman, I am anxious to get my mayor on, so I will not ask any questions of Senator Harris. I am sure he will forgive me and understand that except just to say this: I want to make it crystal clear that I join with Senator Kennedy and Senator Clark in the demand upon the administration. I think it is only a duty.

Second, as one Republican I have no desire to see the administration fall on its face in this matter. I will vote, I will work, I will do everything in the world, I will come forward with our suggestions and ideas for a bill, and I hope and pray the President will have the wit to give this report the priority it deserves and to back it.

I don't want to stand around at all and see him make a mess of it and make use of it in the 1968 campaign.

Finally, I think the Congress has now expressed itself as not being punitive in the matter. I think the civil rights bill, the $75 million the Appropriations Committee has just provided-which I think was pretty indicative for summer jobs all indicate that we want to help with the situation rather than stand back and be resentful about riots or suppress them when they occur.

They will be suppressed, they must be. But there is a disposition to do justice rather than to mete out punishment.

Senator CLARK. Senator, don't forget the extra $25 million we added. Senator JAVITS. Great, we just got it, and I'm glad the Senator reminded me.

Now, Senator Prouty and I participated in this bill last year. There are a number of things in Senator Clark's bill he will say himself, I am sure, which deal with private enterprise and other ideas that we have introduced. We will do it again, and I only hope, Senator Harris, that

with your help as an administration Senator, I do not say that in any invidious sense, I am not criticizing the administration, Senator Kennedy's, Senator Clark's, and ours, that we may move this administration well before the election. I want to make that clear.

I have no desire to stand around and pick up the pieces. The situation is too serious.

Senator HARRIS. May I say in conclusion, Mr. Chairman, that the President, when he appointed this Commission, said, "Let your search be free and as best you can find the truth and express it in your report. That's what we tried to do. I think we have made an honest and truthful report. It gave us no pleasure to file a report which was as alarming and depressing as this one is, but we felt we had to express the truth. I am pleased to be here in my capacity as a Senator as well as a member of the Commission, to try to carry out as well as I can the the individual responsibility which that report imposes on each of us. Senator CLARK. Thank you, Senator.

Senator PROUTY. May I ask a question?

Senator CLARK. Senator Prouty.

Senator PROUTY. In view of what you have said, I would like to have you comment on this newspaper story which appeared in the Burlington (Vt.) Free Press on March 11.

WHITE MAN GETS TOO MUCH BLAME

DETROIT (AP).-A Detroit psychiatrist completing a study of racism for the National Institute of Mental Health says social scientists should stop blaming the white man for all the trouble.

Dr. Elliot Luby, associate director of Detroit's Lafayette Clinic and professor of law and psychiatry at Wayne State University, says last summer's Detroit riot was "not an expression of apathy, hopelessness, and despair."

Instead, Luby said, it was an expression of the black man's growing identity, growing pride, growing esteem and an indication that the black man no longer is measuring himself in terms of the white man.

Luby's report on his findings was broadcast Sunday over the "Sunday Supplement" program of radio station WJR in Detroit.

Luby, who is white, was given a $135,000 grant by the institute, a branch of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, to conduct his study. He and a staff of psychologists and psychiatrists interviewed 400 persons arrested in last July's riot and also talked to whites and Negroes in the areas where the rioting took place.

His findings are in direct opposition to a report released last week by the President's Commission on Civil Disorders. The Kerner report placed much of the blame for the riots on white racism and Negroes' poverty and despair.

Luby, however, said he is "becoming weary of social scientists" making white people "culpable for all of the difficulties which blacks have experienced in this country." He said "this seems to be the etiquette of social science research today."

[Portion of article torn.]

However, he said, "Our studies strongly suggest that this (the rioters) was a well-employed group making an average of some $115 to $120 a week, a group which felt that it had substantially improved its status in the community during the past 3 to 5 years, a group that was very optimistic about its future." Would you care to comment on that? Do you agree with Dr. Luby? Senator HARRIS. I think that his statement is partly true, and I believe that if you will read our report, you will find that we were well aware of the kind of findings he mentions. But I think there is no way to get around the fact of racism. Let me cite just one example. I got a call the other day from a rather enlightened city about a problem faced by an Air Force major who had just come back from

service in Vietnam. His baby son had died of a brain fever and the child was unable to be buried in a local cemetery because of racial restrictions. It is too late in this country for that kind of thing. And yet people are still saying, "Why did you identify racism? Doesn't that make things worse?"

I think we cannot begin to move in the direction we have to go in this country unless we take a hard look at ourselves. Taking that look and understanding what we see is painful. It was painful and unpleasant for us Commissioners to do so, but I think we came pretty close to the truth of the matter, and we had to say so.

But in addition to the general problem of racism, I think we ought to recognize that our present crisis has a specific historical context. A wonderful euphoria existed in this country in the late 1950's and the early 1960's when people-particularly black people all around the country-felt we had finally reached a breakthrough, a point when freedom was going to become a reality and not just a slogan of the civil rights movement. This period perhaps culminated with the march on Washington and the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Thereafter further efforts at progress were met with rather persistent and massive nonviolent and violent resistance, much of which was viewed on television all over the country by black people as well as white people. The frustration and the cynicism which developed from that helped create the present crisis.

One outgrowth of that crisis has been black power, the violent and separatist aspects of which I reject out of hand, but which also has good aspects in its insistence that black is good and beautiful and strong and in its assertion that a black man doesn't have to make himself over in the image of the white man to be a decent and good human being. That kind of self-pride is something this country believes in and it's a positive and hopeful sign.

Finally, I think a statement made by Alexis de Toqueille, a Frenchman who visited America over a hundred years ago helps explain our crisis. Commenting on the origins of the French Revolution, he said that "Evils which are patiently endured when they seem inevitable become intolerable when once the idea of escape from them is suggested."

That's what has happened in this country, and all of these forces have produced our present dilemma.

Senator PROUTY. The study I have referred to will probably be widely quoted. That's why I brought it up.

Senator CLARK. Our last witness this morning is the distinguished and capable mayor of New York, the Honorable John Lindsay. Senator Kennedy would like to make a statement.

Senator KENNEDY of New York. I am afraid I have an appointment at 12:30, so I have to leave, but I want to welcome the mayor of our city here to the committee.

I know the very able way that he assisted and I know what an able job he did as a member of the Commission and the extraordinary amount of knowledge and information he has about the problems facing the country and on which the committee is hearing testimony today, so I want to say I will study his testimony, I welcome him here and I'm sure his testimony will be invaluable to us.

Senator CLARK. To paraphrase an old saying, I think the mayor comes to us from his recent experience.

Mr. Mayor, will you proceed in your own way.

STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN V. LINDSAY, MAYOR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, N.Y.

Mr. LINDSAY. I have with me, Mr. Stephen Kurzman, who is deputy director for operations of the Commission on Civil Disorders, on my right

Senator CLARK. We're happy to have an old friend whom we know well in the Senate, Mr. Kurzman

Mr. LINDSAY. And Mr. Jay Kriege, who's my own staff assistant in New York on this Commission.

Senator CLARK. Welcome Mr. Jay Kriege.

Mr. LINDSAY. I'd like to say, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, that I'm heartened and cheered by the endorsements of the Commission's work that have come from the members of this committee this morning. Statements of approval and backing, I personally think, as the Vice Chairman of the Commission, are very important for us to have in as many quarters as possible.

After the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders completed its investigation of last summer's riots, it undertook to write a program of national action to prevent still more turbulence or bloodshed in our cities.

That program was not designed simply to forestall violence next summer, or the following summer; its objective was to attain a permanent resolution of the failings and inequities we found in a society of haves and have-nots.

In presenting that program, the Commission did not give first priority to better schools, improved housing, or a reformed welfare system. All are important, certainly, we agreed, however, that none was as important to the future of the cities as employment. Accordingly, that subject for action-the provision of more and better jobs-led the list of the Commission's priorities.

In the Commission's words: "Unemployment and underemployment are among the persistent and serious grievances of disadvantaged minorities. The pervasive effect of these conditions on the racial ghetto is inextricably linked to the problem of civil disorders."

The Commission's findings confirmed what I had found in the streets of New York City; that the most common aspiration among the poor of the Harlems and Brownsvilles is the independence, the self-respect and the buying power that comes with a job.

Both as the Vice Chairman of the President's Commission and as the chief executive of New York City, I commend the sponsors of this legislation and the members of this subcommittee, for their swift, intelligent response to the Commission report. In the summary of its findings, the Commission called for action corresponding to three principles:

That programs be mounted on a scale equal to the dimension of the problem;

That programs aim for high impact in the immediate future;
And that programs be undertaken with the initiative and the

imagination that can change the failure and frustration that now dominate the racial ghetto and weaken our entire society.

The proposed Emergency Employment and Training Act of 1968 is faithful, in my judgment, to those principles. It implements the Commission's call for urgency and decisiveness in meeting the challenges to the Nation's domestic life. It should be enacted promptly, for it will provide the cities with a fresh, workable mechanism for treating the roots of disorder.

As I said, the Commission found in all the riot areas it surveyed that unemployment and underemployment were common grievances, bitterly expressed. According to our data, most of the rioters were Negro males between the ages of 15 and 24. Almost all the rioters who had jobs were underemployed-in short-term, low-paying, menial positions which they regarded as beneath their education, their capacity and their dignity. More than 30 percent of those arrested had no jobs.

In the cities where violence broke out, Negroes were twice as likely as whites to hold unskilled jobs-part-time, seasonal, and "dead end." Negroes earned less than whites in all the surveyed cities, averaging barely 70 percent of the average white's income. They were more than twice as likely to be living in poverty.

The Commission reviewed our current efforts Federal, State, and local-to meet these problems. We particularly studied programs in three cities which have a reputation for reciving substantial Federal funding, but which experienced serious disorders last summer. They are Detroit, Newark, and New Haven.

In Detroit, to use but one illustration, Federal contributions to employment and manpower training programs totaled $19.6 million in the first three-quarters of 1967. Although the dollar figure is impressive, the money, it seems clear, did not accomplish enough:

Detroit sponsored 22 federally financed manpower programs, such as the Neighborhood Youth Corps. Almost 14,000 trainees were enrolled. Yet the unemployment rate at the time of the riot in Detroit was 2.7 percent for whites and 9.6 percent for Negroes. The 14,000 training slots barely matched the number of jobless whites, but more than 60 percent of all the unemployed were nonwhite.

The figures exemplify the limited reach of our existing manpower programs. They don't include enough people, and they don't lead to enough good jobs. In New York City, the resources available are inadequate, dwarfed by the magnitude of the need. We devote $1.2 billion a year on welfare, merely keeping people alive, but only $54 million on manpower training.

Every month, 14,000 new people go on the welfare rolls, yet only a fraction of that number can be drawn into job training. Clearly, we are losing the struggle against dependency.

During the first 2 months of this year our neighborhood manpower centers recruited 18,000 people who were ready to enter a job training program or begin work on a job. There were only sufficient job openings or openings in training programs for 4,000 of these individuals, which meant that 14,000 employables had to be returned to the streets with no job and no optimistic prospect of finding one. There are 15 applicants for every opening in the city's public services career program, and 10 applicants for every spot in the