was truly a "pretty snug sum;" yes, it was a very large sum. Was it given to enable him to secure an inheritance for his children? No, sir. It was to enable him to extend those hospitalities which all men of liberal feelings have a right to expect, and do expect, from the Chief of a great, a free, and a wealthy nation. Your naval officers received civilities when abroad, and they would, as a general rule, dishonor the profession they had chosen, and that country whose stars and stripes they were so gallantly displaying, not to reciprocate them. This necessarily increased their expenses, and it was the occurrence of every year, that a highminded officer, having done all, and no more, than the honor of his country required him to do, returned from a foreign cruise with empty pockets; yes, almost overwhelmed with debt and embarrassment. His proud spirit, sir, his love of country, could not brook the idea that the men and the officers of foreign nations should, when his back was turned, tauntingly and exultingly say, among themselves, "There is a specimen of your free Governments: its officers are afraid to accept of hospitalities abroad, because they are too stingy and too mean to return them." Sooner than expose the country which they loved to such cutting, such humiliating reproach, they have ever proudly sustained the honor of that country, though want and poverty were its sure penalties.

He would here take occasion to remark that the interchange of those civilities, on the part of our naval officers, with the citizens of other nations, was, or might be, of great utility, independently of that courtesy, he should say decency, which required our officers to respect them. By this reciprocation of courtesies, our officers enjoyed the opportunity of becoming acquainted with the habits and manners of other nations. They acquired facilities to see and to become acquainted with their harbors, their coasts, their public works, their resources, and with their vulnerable or their impregnable points-all which information might be of inestimable value in the event of a war with such nation. Every dictate of interest combined with every consideration of national honor to demonstrate the expediency of giving to our naval officers such compensation as would enable them to return, to a decent and reasonable extent, whatever civilities they might receive from the citizens of other countries.

But, said Mr. V., I have been at sea quite long enough. It was high time that he anchored for a few moments to the amendments of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. WISE.] He should vote for those amendments, because the original bill, or rather the amendment of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, as well as the amendments proposed by the honorable chairman of the committee, [Mr. WATMOUGH,] introduced a new principle in our statute books. Hitherto, seniority of commission had not given any claim to an increase of compensation. It was true that, by regulations established by the Secretaries of War and the Navy in 1818, with the approbation of the President of the United States, it was established that the rank and precedence of sea and land officers will take place according to the seniority of their respective commissions;" but he was not aware that there had been any legislative sanction of this principle.

[Mr. WATMOUGH here referred Mr. V. to page 5 of the report, to show that this regulation has been sanctioned.]

Mr. V. said, if it were as the honorable gentleman had stated, he stood corrected. He had, however, another objection to the honorable gentleman's amendments. He thought that, in his very laudable solicitude for the senior, he had not done justice to the junior officer. He would instance the case of the lieutenants. They were,

[DEC. 22, 1834.

in the first instance, allowed $1,500 when at sea, and $1,200 when waiting orders. By the last amendments of the gentleman from Pennsylvania they were to be allowed $1,200 when at sea, and $1,000 when waiting orders.

There was in his opinion a vast disproportion between the junior and the senior officers. What was the present salary of a lieutenant? It amounted to $950 per year. This included rations and every allowance that they were entitled to. Now, when he considered that many of them would probably have to wait and toil forty years before they could be promoted-that they would have to serve six times as long as the patriarch of old served for his beloved prize, before they could be elevated to a captaincy, he thought the sum they now receive most "degradingly low," and that the sum first mentioned could not be deemed too high. He had, until he had very recently inquired into the matter, supposed that every thing was provided for our naval officers when at sea; that there were what are commonly called "ship stores" on board of our naval vessels, and that the offcers, as well as the sailors, were provisioned at the national expense. He had discovered, however, that such was not the case; that the officers had to find their own provisions, and even their own table furniture and cooking utensils. Now, it was to be kept in remembrance that many of these officers had wives and families also to provide for on shore. They had in fact two messes to support out of their incomes.

And when he considered how onerous, how highly responsible, were the duties of a lieutenant, their claim to an increase of compensation would be greatly fortified. And what were those duties? As he understood, he had in time of action to direct and point the guns. Each lieutenant had charge of from sixty to seventy men-there being from twelve to fourteen men stationed at each gun.

These men it was his duty to drill, and when the enemy was to be boarded, the lieutenant was, as he had learned from a source upon which he could rely, the first to board, unless a pike driven through his body prevented the execution of this hazardous piece of duty. He had, too, to take his turn on watch, and was held responsible for the general safety of the vessel. And what were his duties and obligations, according to the naval code of nations, on coming into port? Because it might be said that he, at least, had not the necessity of reciprocating the hospitality of officers in foreign service. But it was not so: according to the custom of naval life, the captains messed by themselves, and the subordinate officers by themselves; and if a lieutenant were entertained by an officer of the same grade in foreign service, on board ship, or on shore, he had to reciprocate the courtesy in like manner, by inviting him to the lieutenants' mess. He had asked a lieutenant how he managed to get along, having to comply with these customs, and having, besides, a wife and family to provide for. And his answer was, that, "when he left port he always found himself confoundedly in debt; and when at sea he worked for a dead horse, and there denied himself all the luxuries and many of the comforts of life." Is this, sir, the measure of American justice to public servants? He would not impugn the motives of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. WATMOUGH,] for he deserved much credit for what he had done in this matter; but be nevertheless thought that he had, in some measure, overlooked the claim of these lieutenants.

There was another heresy prevailing, which was in regard to the office and duties of gunner. A gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. SUTHERLAND] had spoken with much eloquence in behalf of the gunners. Now, he (Mr. V.) had supposed that the gunner was the man who loaded and pointed and fired the guns; but he found that such was not the case; that they were not the "men of

fire and smoke;" that their station was in the magazine, below, comparatively out of the reach of shot and danger; and that they smelled no other "smoke" than that of the lamp which lighted that magazine. Why not, he would ask, give the increase to the hardy tars who had to serve at the guns-who were exposed to all the danger?

[Mr. SUTHERLAND here observed that he had also pleaded for the sailors.]

Mr. VANDERPOEL said he had already detained the committee much longer than he had intended when he rose, and hoped that he might, in conclusion, be permitted to say, without incurring the imputation of egotism, that he represented a strictly fresh water district; that he had had, in the course of his life, little or no intercourse with naval officers, and did not know that a single one of them could be numbered among his constituents. He did not know that he had a single relative in the naval service, and the vote which he should give for a reasonable increase of the compensation of this important branch of service would be dictated solely by a sense of the vast importance of the navy to the interest and honor, if not the safety of the country, and of the strong claims which its too long neglected officers had to the justice, not to say the liberality, of this great, this just, and opulent nation.

Mr. R. M. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, said that in every discussion of a measure during this short session, it was the duty of all to remember how much business we had to transact, and thus put a just value upon time, and to economize it. With this sentiment in his mind he would, on this important measure, indulge in a few general remarks. As to the navy, it was a great favorite with the nation; and that favorable opinion was not without good reason. The history of our country would furnish ample cause why we were partial to the navy. He would refer to our naval conflicts with the Barbary Powers, Tripoli, and our quasi war with France, and particularly our late war with Great Britain. Who does not recollect the feelings of gratitude, of confidence, and of patriotism, which swelled the bosom of every faithful citizen at the news of our splendid naval victories following each other in quick succession? Perry and McDonough on the lakes; Hull, Decatur, Lawrence, Porter, and others, of the mountain waves of the ocean.

Our gallant navy, therefore, was justly a favorite with the people. It had never excited the jealousy of the statesman or patriot. Its motto was, "for our country; right or wrong, for our country." This being the true state of the case, it was to him unaccountable and surprising that such opposition, such persevering opposition, should have been made to every proposition for the last twenty years to make adequate provision for the navy, and to assign proper grades of command to the officers. The people, by common consent, conferred upon our senior naval officers the honorary title of commodore, yet our laws have conferred no such command. The highest grade of command in our naval service was that of captain. He did not see any reason for such a state of things. It might have been correct when our navy was in its infancy-when we had only a captain's command; but now we had increased our navy from necessity; it had increased with our commerce and our popu lation; and it was correct to confer higher grades of command, as much so as to confer the command and grade of a colonel to a regiment, of a major to a battalion, and a captain to a company. But let us pass from this subject to that of the compensation. Adequate compensation was still more necessary and important to the service than grades of command. It was a very difficult subject to know precisely what compensation ought to be given. It was very easy to commence with the salary and compensation of the civil officers of Gov

[H. OF R.

ernment, and where they get annually $3,000, to say they could live upon $2,000; and that members of Congress, who now receive eight dollars per day, might live upon six or four dollars. In case of necessity, for our country, Mr. J. said, we could all live upon half rations. But it should be recollected we were not fixing the compensation of the navy upon any such principle. We were fixing it upon the principle of justice-of propriety. The laborer was worth his hire; the officers of the navy, and all attached to the navy, were working menhard-working men-and that man would find himself egregiously mistaken if he supposed that he could enter the naval service and sleep upon beds of down. If he supposed that he could sleep and slumber, and fold his arms together to sleep, without trouble, without anxiety, he would find out his miscalculation. The reverse was his lot; it was a place of toil, of suffering, of hardship, of danger. From the hour that a man enters the naval service of his country, until he is hurried to "that bourn from whence no traveller returns," he will learn that his lot is one of privation, toil, anxiety, and trouble. Mr. J. said he was a working man himself a hardworking man—ever since he had grown up to manhood; and his constituents were working men, and reassonable men, and patriotic men; and that is the reason why they have honored me so long. They know I will not squander the public money; they know I am not extravagant myself, and that I will not vote for extravagant salaries. But they have always sustained me in voting for salaries and reasonable and just compensation, which will make the officer easy in his circumstances; that which will enable him to live comfortably, not luxuriously; that which will enable him to furnish himself and a small family with the necessaries and comforts of life, but not with its superfluities; that which will enable him to live as a freeman ought to live in a free country; but not enough to make him wealthy. These are the principles by which he should be governed; these were the principles by which his constituents wished him to be governed; and they should govern in honor of them, and in honor of his country, and in honor of justice. In fixing the compensation, Mr. J. said he should look at human life and society as he found it, and inquire what sum was required to place the officers of the navy in the situation which he had described. He would then bring that information to govern his votes upon the compensation proposed.

Mr. J. expressed his regret that some of those who had spoken in favor of the navy had brought in the army, and had made comparisons which he did not consider useful or conclusive. He considered all such arguments and comparisons irrelevant. The army as well as the navy was a favorite with the American people. This favorable opinion was not without good reason. The history of the late war would prove it, and he should not vote to pull down the army to the condition of the navy, nor should he vote to elevate the navy upon any other principle than that of its own intrinsic merit. He said it was not necessary upon this, and he hoped upon no other, occasion, to contrast the gallantry of the army and navy, to induce Congress to do justice to either. For, if we look at the sacrifices which both have made for their country; if we will do justice to the devotion of both to their country; if we bring to our recollection the battles they have fought, the victo ries they have won, the gallantry they have displayed, they have glory enough for any army or any navy; and nothing now is wanting for them but a proper provision to make them respectable, and independent of the wants and frowns of fortune, and to hold themselves in readiness for any other crisis.

It should never be forgotten that, from the moment that any citizen enters the army or navy, he has to give

up totally all other pursuits; he has to abandon every other prospect of gain; and a good portion of his time he has to abandon society. There is no man who knows the hardships and sacrifices of a soldier's life, whether in the army or navy, but the man who has tried, who has made the experiment; but, as it is for his country, he bears it cheerfully.

The real truth is, that, in time of war, when every thing that is dear to freedom is at stake, when the country is suffering under all the calamities of war, and bleeding at every pore, we are disposed, if possible, to overrate the army and the navy, and particularly the merits of a brave and gallant officer. But in time of peace we are fully as much inclined to underrate each, and to think that they are a privileged corps, when, in fact, they are the working men of the Government, the drudges and dray horses of the country; they are working for their country all the time; and, unfortunately, in free Governments the spirit of jealousy inclines us often to pull down, in time of peace, the pillars of strength, and to undermine the foundations of our greatness and security. An instance of that kind is the opposition to the Military Academy, the institution and favorite of Thomas Jefferson. He was one among the wisest men of this world, and a learned man. He had examined the annals of all nations, and he saw that history confirmed the fact that, in a struggle for liberty, in all past time, double the quantity of blood and treasure had been spent for the want of the requisite skill and science in those gallant men who had conducted the struggle from the very beginning of the Revolution to its termination. General Washington made this point a subject of never-ending complaint. We have courage and patriotism, and in our small army and navy we cannot have too much skill and science. In my short military career, nothing was so much wanted as military knowledge and the sciences connected with it.

It is not very difficult for a brave and patriotic man, in the chimney corner, to underrate military science, which can be gained alone by long and hard study, or very long and often disastrous experience. But whenever he shall be brought into contact with any thing like equal talents and bravery, and the military skill of which we speak, he will soon change his opinion and acknowl edge his mistake; and let the patriot, the citizen, and the statesman, never forget that the necessity of an army or a navy is predicated upon the probability, yea, the certainty, of war; and that both branches of defence are for the people's benefit, and that they depend upon them for their existence. We should not exalt them too high nor depress them too low.

It may be stated, with truth, that upon no subject was the testimony of military men more uniform, and more imposing, than upon the benefit, advantage, and utility, of military skill, military knowledge, and the science connected with the profession of arms. The contrary opinion was entertained generally by those who had not made the experiment, but who, no doubt, believed what they expressed as an opinion, by reference to some exceptions to general rules and general results; and by adverting to some brilliant achievements that would seem to contradict what has been advanced-such as the battles of Bennington and King's Mountain; but when we look at the bright, the brilliant, and also the dark side of this picture, it will be found that the opinion advanced is correct. Mr. J. said he would be in favor of the bill reported by the committee, with some few exceptions.

Mr. SUTHERLAND rose to suggest the propriety of action instead of discussion, as time was going on, and the hour of adjournment was near.

The amendment of Mr. WISE was then accepted by Mr. WATMOUGH, as far as relates to the captains.

[DEC. 22, 1834.

Mr. WISE withdrew the residue of the amendment. Mr. MANN renewed the amendment, in order that he might move it again in the House.

This last motion was negatived.

The amendment of the committee, as modified by the gentleman from Virginia, was then agreed to.

The next amendment, relating to masters commandant, was then read.

Mr. WISE moved his amendment to this clause. Mr. WATMOUGH made no objection to the amendment, placing himself in a situation of perfect candor before the House, the country, and the service. He accepted the modification, and the amendment was then agreed to.

The clause relating to pay of lieutenants, was then read, and the amendment offered by Mr. Wist was agreed to.

The clause relating to assistant surgeons was then read, and the amendment moved by Mr. WISE was opposed by Mr. WATMOUGH, who stated that the amendment was in conformity with the wishes of the surgeons and assistant surgeons, as expressed upon paper.

Mr. SUTHERLAND stated what was the expense of the education of a surgeon for the service, to show that the compensation was, in its best form, insufficient. Mr. MANN also opposed the motion.

The amendment of Mr. WISE was then agreed to. The amendment on the subject of surgeons was then read and agreed to.

Mr. WATMOUGH then moved an amendment in reference to the pursers, giving them $1,400 in service, and $900 when waiting orders; which was agreed to.

Mr. WATMOUGH moved to strike out "six," in the pay of chaplains, and substitute "eight" hundred dollars.

Mr. REED suggested that the expenses of the chaplain were equal to those of any other officers.

Mr. WISE suggested that the chaplains ought to be discontinued or sufficiently paid.

The amendment was then agreed to: Ayes 79. Mr. MANN then moved to strike out the clause respecting chaplains; which was negatived.

The next amendment, which changes the name of "schoolmaster" to that of "professor of mathematics," was agreed to.

The amendment concerning secretaries and clerks being read,

Mr. WISE moved his amendment to this clause. Mr. WATMOUGH stated one or two reasons why this amendment should not be adopted.

Mr. WISE then withdrew his amendment, at the suggestion of Mr. WATMOUGH, to be renewed in a subsequent part of the bill.

Mr. MANN moved to strike out the clause concerning second masters. Negatived.

The amendment offered by Mr. WISE to the clause relating to the passed midshipmen was negatived.

Mr. WISE moved to strike out the clause concerning warrant masters' mates; which was negatived.

Mr. WISE moved the amendment he had previously withdrawn, concerning clerks, increasing their compen

sation.