I would like to point this out: I was here during the World War, that is, from March 1918 on, and ever since the beginning of the last decade there has been a gradual reduction, it seems to me, and I have been here in Washington for 23 years, a reduction in the powers and in the self-respect of Congress, not due to their own action but due to the dominance of one individual, and it seems to me that that is a very dangerous situation.

May I state that some of my best friends in the world are in the British Labor Party. I have been in Europe 10 times, starting in 1929, and have seen the development of dictatorship over there.

Mr. Chairman, I do not know whether the Members of Congress realize what the business interests of this country are saying about this combination with Britain, so I want to read briefly a few statements which have appeared in conservative papers, statements of businessmen on the present situation on the abdication of Congress. Why, gentlemen, I wonder what excuse you will have for drawing your salaries, whether you will not be getting money under false pretenses, if you are merely to be paid $10,000 a year plus all the other emoluments of office that you have, merely to underwrite what the President does. Let me quote from the United States News, a David Lawrence paper. On January 10 of this year it carries a story_on developments: "Mr. Roosevelt's Move for World Leadership." The same issue, appropriately, has an article, "A National Debt of 100 Billions Coming."

Mr RICHARDS. Could not the witness put those statements in the record instead of reading them?

Mr. MARSH. I could, except I thought the committee might want to ask me some questions about the points raised here.

The CHAIRMAN. If the committee wants to ask you questions they can think of a lot of questions to ask the gentlemen without looking for expert questions from the papers. But if you wish to read them, all right.

Mr. MARSH. I would prefer to do it if that is agreeable to the committee.

Mr. JOHNSON. It depends on the length of them.

Mr. MARSH. This is not lengthy, but it may be rather deadly.

Mr. JOHNSON. How long is it?

The CHAIRMAN. Proceed, and then we will see what it is.

Mr. JOHNSON. Get to the vitals of them, not all of them.

Mr. MARSH. The same magazine, the United States News, on January 24, 1941, in an article entitled, "America in Danger, President's Warning," states:

Mr. Roosevelt directs this Nation's foreign policy. In directing that policy he is subject under the Constitution to few restraints by Congress.

At the same time the majority of Senators and Representatives, despite a vigorous and important minority opposition, gives every sign of agreement with the President on foreign policy.

This means that, regardless of isolationist opinion, the United States apparently is going down the line with a policy aimed at continued world leadership for the British and American empires.

I ask the members of this committee and the Members of Congress by what warrant they turn over to any man, and I am not speaking in personal terms, the power to lead America down the road to world domination in collaboration with the British Empire.

Business Week, a McGraw-Hill publication, and you will notice that all of the papers or magazines I cite are not printed in Moscow, there is an article entitled, "America's New Deal for Britain."

The CHAIRMAN. Pardon me, Mr. Marsh; will you just suspend a moment?

Mr. MARSH. Yes, sir.

Mr. FISH. I would like to ask if Mr. Class is here in the audience. Mr. CLASS. Yes, sir.

Mr. FISH. Mr. Dennis?

Mr. DENNIS. Yes, sir.

Mr. FISH. Would you just as soon testify now and carry it on to 7 o'clock, or wait until later?

Mr. CLASS. Whatever the wish of the committee is is agreeable

to me.

Mr. MARSH. I think it would be better if you would make your statement, because we must continue on and get through, or, just hand your statement to the reporter.

Mr. FISH. I want to make one unanimous-consent request. Mr. Amos Pinchot, who was to testify has just had to go back to New York. He has released his statement to the press, and I would like to have that read by someone here before we adjourn.

The CHAIRMAN. Suppose we just put it in and accept it as his

statement.

Mr. FISH. I do not think it would take very long, and I want to do the fair thing.

The CHAIRMAN. So do I. We will either read it or put it in the record and accept it.

Mr. FISH. I agree with you.

Mr. EBERHARTER. Is it the purpose of the chairman to continue right on through and not take a recess?

The CHAIRMAN. Yes.

Mr. EBERHARTER. Some of the members have already left and will be back at 8 o'clock.

The CHAIRMAN. We will let the members know right away by phone that there will be no meeting this evening. I think it would be preferable to conclude now instead of coming back, and if you gentlemen do not mind we will let them know. There will be no business transacted. We will let them know that when we get through here we will recess until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning.

The committee will accept your statement there for the record, Mr. Marsh.

Mr. MARSH. Then there are several similar statements I would like to read.

Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Chairman, I think the witness should assume that the members read the newspapers sometimes, and I think it would be in the interest of economy of time not to read the various statements from so many people. Let the witness state what he has to say without any reading, because it takes too much time. The CHAIRMAN. Proceed, Mr. Marsh.

Mr. MARSH. Then, if it is your wish, to save time, I would like to ask permission to file these other quotations for the record. The CHAIRMAN. Without objection that will be done.

Mr. MARSH. With one exception, I would like to read a statement of Dr. Virgil Jordan, president of the National Industrial Conference Board, to the Investment Bankers' Association last December.

The CHAIRMAN. Proceed.

Mr. MARSH. Which states that many of them had not begun to comprehend and face the task that lies ahead for American industry, and whatever the outcome of the war, America has embarked upon a career of imperialism, and "England will become a junior partner in a new Anglo-Saxon imperialism, in which the economic resources, and the military and naval strength of the United States will be the center of gravity," and "southward in our hemisphere and westward in the Pacific, the path of empire takes its way, and in modern terms of economic power, as well as political prestige, the scepter passes to the United States."

I respectfully submit that before America embarks upon a career that has wrecked Britain and every other imperialist nation the people, and at least the Congress of the United States, should have a chance to decide whether they want to do it or not.

(The remainder of the quotations submitted by Mr. Marsh are as follows:)

DOES THE PRESIDENT WANT ANGLO-AMERICAN DOMINATION?

Current events, current comment, and the conservative press, raise the question whether the President seeks an Anglo-American alliance for world domination, using of course the slogans of democracy, through which the three great democracies the United States, Britain, and France-built up their world empires, which Hitler's war machine and economic policies, and Russia's economy, challenge.

Dr. Scott Nearing, highly competent student of world affairs, in a Federated Press story, January 16, 1941, Britain and United States Move Toward Totalitarian Controls, says:

"Within a week the British and United States Government have both announced plans for the concentration of economic power in the hands of small government boards selected by the Executive. Both Governments are unifying their economies, not by legislative act, but by executive degree.

"Prime Minister Winston Churchill has created in the British cabinet an import executive and a production executive. The import executive has control of supplies. The production executive will allocate available resources and raw materials, production capacities and labor, and will fix priorities.

"Under this broad authorization the production executive, headed by Ernest Bevin, a Laborite, will be able to conscript materials, machinery, and labor. The new production executive has much broader powers than its predecessor, the Production Council.

"President Roosevelt has created an Office of Production Management as part of the emergency management of the Executive Office of the President.

"Office of Production Management is authorized to 'formulate and execute in the public interest all measures necessary and appropriate in order to increase, accelerate, and regulate the production and supply of materials, articles, and equipment and the provision of emergency plant facilities and services required for the national defense', and to coordinate the agencies engaged in defense work." Dr. Nearing concludes:

"British and United States economies are being pushed rapidly into the mold of General Goering's 5-year plan. By executive decrees both countries have unified economic control and direction under a Government board.

"In both countries the board consists chiefly of former business executives. No 'democracy' label on these proposals will detract one iota from their totalitarian and dictatorial character."

The President's reference to establishing a "moral order" throughout the world is highly significant.

Such pronouncements and America's economic system go far to justify some of the charges made by Hitler, Mussolini, and Japan about the real objectives of America and of Britain.

David Lawrence, in his confidential Report for the Business Executives, states: "The United States holds the balance of world power, * * * and is in lineif cards are played right-to become the world's dominant power.'

This is not the position of the British Labor Party.

At its annual meeting in May 1940, it held:

Areas which are natural and efficient units should not be broken up into small minorities or to entrench pre-war controls of any nation.

International control must be extended to include

(a) Natural resources and other raw materials, so they may be available at fair prices to all nonagressor nations.

(b) Ocean-borne commerce.

(c) All war equipment which can be used outside the areas of any nation. (d) Markets, by gradual stages.

(e) Currencies.

All present mandated areas and colonies must be put under international control, pending the uncoerced selection by the people thereof, of the nation with which they wish to be affiliated, or establishment of conditions which justify equal status with other limited sovereignty nations.

Creation of an association or commonwealth of states, the collective authority of which must transcend, in the economic sphere, the rights of separate nations. This authority must be vested with such power as is necessary to enable it to achieve the essential international controls.

Until such a program for post-war organization is accepted by Britain and the United States, as major powers, and by smaller nations with which we shall be asked to cooperate, is the United States in a position to claim it seeks to establish a new moral order in the world?

Mr. MARSH. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I have a concluding topic, which is just what is this war about

The CHAIRMAN. What war?

Mr. MARSH. This war that is being fought over there. I am glad that the chairman is in doubt as to which war I refer to, but it is one into which, apparently, Congress is trying to get the United States. I am not willing to say that it is partly to cover up on the collapse of our own economic system, but it is well to realize that if it does come we would have chaos throughout the world. If the war continues for 3 or 4 years, we will have collapse and chaos, as Mr. Castle pointed

out.

Now, may I make this suggestion to this committee before you report this bill out: As I have stated, I have conferred year after year with the British Labor Party. In May of last year, in the midst of war, the British Labor Party adopted a program for post-war action, peace terms, if you please, which I would like to incorporate in the hearings of this committee. It is not a quotation, but it is summarized. If you would like the original, I have the report of that conference, and I will submit it.

(The statement referred to is as follows:)

PRINCIPLES OF A PRACTICAL PEACE

Fury in fighting, efficiency in preparation for conflict, and emphasis upon the superiority of democratic procedures over those of totalitarian regimes do not ensure a post-war organization of the world upon the basis of a durable peace. America must now determine what its post-war policies shall be and what essential principles it will press for in a post-war pact.

We believe the following principles are essential to the success of any peace: 1. Areas which are natural and efficient units should not be broken up into small political units to save the faces of small minorities or to entrench pre-war controls of any nation.

2. International control must be extended to include

(a) Natural resources and other raw materials, so they may be available at fair prices to all nonaggressor nations.

(b) Ocean-borne commerce.

(c) All war equipment which can be used outside the areas of any nation. (d) Markets, by gradual stages.

3. All present mandated areas and colonies must be put under international ontrol, pending the uncoerced selection by the people thereof, of the nation with

#

which they wish to be affiliated, or establishment of conditions which justify equal status with other limited sovereignty nations.

4. Creation of an association or commonwealth of states, the collective authority of which must transcend, in the economic sphere, the rights of separate nations. This authority must be vested with such power as is necessary to enable it to achieve the essential international controls.

To maintain peace, national and hemispheric sovereignty must be subordinated to world institutions and obligations.

We believe that all nations, whatever the outcome of the present conflict, should participate in the peace conference to work out the ending of the major economic causes of war, through a large degree of international organization.

We hope the knowledge that America will approve only such a post-war organization will have a greater influence in securing an early ending of hostilities than any military aid we could send.

Mr. MARSH. Now, I would like to suggest to the committee that we already have the draft; the young men have been drafted. We have not dared to tax the wealth of America yet as we did in the World War, but we have gotten the young men, including my son, in the draft. I would like to have the members of the committee directly address a communication to the British Government or request the President of the United States to ask Mr. Churchill and the British Government why that government does not dare to state whether it stands for the international organization which the Labor Party demands. Why is their government and why is our Government afraid to suggest the objectives of this war in terms of a new organization?

If this committee will do that, if this Congress will do that-and I believe it would on the recommendation of these two committees― then I think that there would not be very much chance for Hitler to continue his appeal to his people. I hope I am not wrong. I may be in error in assuming that the members of this committee would like to prevent all the bloodshed they can; and although we have several million extra people in America, we do not want to get rid of them in that way. I suggest that it is time now for a little intelligent discussion throughout the world of what this war is about, what sort of an organization we propose to have after this war. It will not make profits for Americans to end the war today. I admit that that does not worry me, and I am sure that it does not this committee, but I respectfully submit to this committee that we have a chance to do something now much more important than the appropriating of $17,000,000,000 if we find out what we hope to accomplish by the expenditure of those billions, and it is only a starter, and accomplish by an appeal over Hitler's head, and over Mussolini's head, to the workers of Germany and Italy. That is not as dramatic as having airplanes in the demonstration in our coronation services in the National Capital, but it is a step in which I know the people of this world are interested. I am as gray-haired, but not quite as bald, as some of the members of this committee, but I venture to suggest that the young people of today will not likely feel kindly toward an economic system nor toward the governments which cannot find a substitute for plunging nations into war. Our governments are defunct, and our economic systems are defunct, and before we start down this road to dictatorship in America I appeal to this committee to make an appeal to find out what this war is about. I think you should accept these very practical nonpolitical suggestions.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. The committee will take them up.