plants. and their Gardens and one among the rest of an Acre of ground, and in the same was Their Gardens. sowne Tobacco, Pompions, Cowcumbers and such like; and some of the people had Maiz or Indian Wheate among them. In the fields we found wild Pease, Strawber- Corne ries very faire and bigge, Gooseberries, Raspices, Hurts and other wild fruits. Hauing spent three Weekes vpon the Coast before we came to this place where we meant to stay & take in our lading, according to our instructions giuen vs in charge before our setting forth, we pared and digged vp the Earth with shouels, and sowed Wheate, Barley, Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden Seeds, which for the time of our abode there, being about seuen Weeks, although they were late sowne, came vp very well, giuing certain testimonie of the goodnesse of the Climate and of the Soyle, And it seemeth that Oade, Hempe, Flaxe, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diuers places here we found grasse about knee deepe. As for Trees the Country yeeldeth Sassafras a plant of souereigne vertue for the French Poxe, and as some of late haue learnedly written good against the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines, Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing fruit whereof wee did eate, Hasels, Wich-hasels, the best wood of all other to make Sope-ashes withall, Walnut-trees, Maples, holy to make Bird-lime with, and a kinde of tree bearing a fruit like a small red Peare-plum with a crowne or knop on the top (a plant whereof carefully wrapped vp in earth, Master Robert Salterne brought to Bristoll). We found also low trees bearing fair Cheries. There were likewise a white kind of Plums which were not growne to their perfect ripeness. With diuers other sorts of trees to vs unknowne. The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deere in abundance, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tygres, Porcupines, and Dogges with sharpe and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose Cases and Furres being hereafter purchased by exchange may yeeld no smal gaine to vs. Since as we are certainly informed, the Frenchmen brought from Canada the value of thirtie thousand Crownes in the yeere 1604, almost in Beuers and Otters skinnes only. The most vsual Fowles are Eagles, Vultures, Hawkes, Cranes, Herons, Crowes, Gulls, and great store of other Riuer and Sea-fowles. And as the Land is full of Gods good blessings, so is the Sea replenished with great abundance of excellent fish, as Cods sufficient to lade many ships, which we found vpon the Coast in the moneth of Iune, Seales to make Oil withall, Mullets, Turbuts, Mackerels, Herrings, Crabs, Lobsters, Creuises, and Muscles with ragged Pearles in them. home. By the end of July we had laded our small Barke called the Discouerer, with as much Sassafras as we thought sufficient, and sent her home into England before, to Barke giue some speedie contentment to the Aduenturers: who arriued safely in Kingrode aboue a fortnight before vs. After their departure we so bestirred our selues, that our shippe also had gotten in her lading, during which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noonetide while our men which vsed to cut downe Sassafras in the Woods were asleepe, as they vsed to doe for two houres in the heat of the sent day, there came downe about seuen score Sauages armed with their Bowes and ArDanger of the rowes, and enuironed our House or Barricado, wherein were foure of our men alone Sauages. with their Muskets to keepe Centinell, whom they sought to haue come downe vnto them, which they vtterly refused, and stood vpon their guard. Our Master likewise being very carefull and circumspect hauing not past two with him in the shippe put the same in the best defence he could, lest they should haue inuaded the same, and caused a piece of great Ordnance to bee shot off, to giue terrour to the Indians, and warning to our men which were fast asleepe in the Woods: at the noyse of which Peece they were a little awaked, and beganne a little to call for Foole and Gallant, their great and fearefull Mastiues, and full quietly laid themselves downe againe, but beeing quickned vp eftsoones againe with a second shot they rowsed vp themselues, betooke them to their weapons and with their Mastiues, great Foole with an halfe Pike in his mouth drew downe to their ship: whom when the Indians beheld afarre off, with the Mastiue which they most feared, in dissembling manner they turned all to a iest and sport, and departed away in friendly manner: yet not long after, euen the day before our departure, they set fire on the Woods where wee wrought, which wee did behold to burne for a mile space, and the very same day that wee weighed Anchor, they came downe to the shoare in greater number, to wit, very neere two hundred by our estimation, and some of them came in their Boates to our ship, and would haue had vs come in again: but we sent them backe, and would none of their entertainment. About the eighth or ninth of August wee left this excellent Hauen at the entrance whereof we found twentie fathomes water, and rode at our ease in seuen fathomes being Land-locked, the Hauen winding in compasse like the shell of a Snaile, and it is in latitude of one and forty degrees and fiue and twentie minutes. This by the way is not to be forgotten, that our Captaine fell so much to the Northward because he would find high grounds, where commonly the best Hauens are: which also fell out to his expectation. We also obserued that we could find no Sassafras but in sandie ground. In our returne we brought our selues into the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees about the Açores for certaine causes, and within fiue weekes space came from our Port of Virginia, into the Soundings of England, but there being long encountered with Easterly winds, we came at length into Kingrode, the second of October 1603. The Discouerer was out fiue moneths and an halfe. The Speedwell was out sixe moneths vpon the Voyage. [NOTE-The foregoing relation is now reprinted, possibly, for the first time. The title and initial-letter are in fac simile; this piece being considered essential to a full understanding of the voyage. From "Purchas his Pilgrim," Vol. IV.] ARTICLES FROM THE CHURCH OF LEYDEN [These articles, after having slumbered for about two centuries, were contributed by the Hon. George Bancroft to the Collections of the New York Historical Society (S. 2., vol. iii., part I., p. 301). Since they were printed by the above Society they have had but little attention]: 1617. [S. P. O. Ama & W. Ind. Virg.] SEVEN Artikes which ye Church of Leyden sent to ye Counsell of England to bee considered of in respeckt of their judgments occationed about theer going to Virginia Anno 1618. 1. To y confession of fayth published in ye name of ye Church of England & to every artikell theerof wee do wth ye reformed churches wheer wee live & also els where assent wholy. 4. Wee judg itt lawfull for his Majesty to apoynt bishops, civil overseers, or officers in awthoryty onder hime, in ye severall provinces, dioses, congregations or parrishes to oversee ye Churches and governe them civilly according to ye Lawes of ye Land, untto whom ye ar in all thinges to geve an account & by them to bee ordered according to Godlynes. 5. The authoryty of ye present bishops in ye Land wee do acknolidg so far forth as ye same is indeed derived from his Majesty untto them and as ye proseed in his name, whom wee will also therein honor in all things and hime in them. 6. Wee beleeve y no sinod, classes, convocation or assembly of Ecclesiasticall Officers hath any power or awthoryty att all but as ye same by ye Majestraet geven unto them. 7. Lastly, wee desyer to geve untto all Superiors dew honnor to preserve ye unity of ye speritt wth all y feare God, to have peace wth all men what in us lyeth & wheerein wee err to bee instructed by any. Subscribed by JOHN ROBINSON, 2. As wee do acknolidg ye docktryne of fayth theer tawght so do wee ye fruites and effeckts of ye same docktryne to ye begetting of saving fayth in thousands in ye land (conformistes & reformistes) as ye ar called wth whom also as wth our bretheren wee do desyer to keepe sperituall communion in peace and will pracktis in and will pracktis in WHY DID THE PILGRIMS LEAVE HOLLAND FOR AMERICA? our parts all lawful thinges. 3. The King's Majesty wee acknolidg for Supreame Governer in his Dominion in all causes and over all parsons, and y none maye decklyne or apeale from his authority or judgment in any cause whatsoever, but y in all thinges obedience is dewe unto him, ether active, if ye thing commanded be not agaynst God's woord, or passive yf itt be, except pardon can bee obtayned. [The question is fully answered by Nathaniel Morton, Secretary of Plymouth Colony, in his " New Englands Memorial: or, A brief Relation of the most Memorable and Remarkable Passages of the Providence of God, manifested to the Planters of New England in America; With special Reference to the first Colony thereof, Called New-Plimouth;" printed at Cambridge "by S. G. and M. J. for John Usher of Boston, 1669." The preliminary address "To the Reader," signed by John Higginson and Thomas Thacher, bears the date of March 26, 1669, and states that "It is much to be desired that there might be extant A Compleate History of the United Colonies of New England, that God may have the praise of his goodness to his People here, and that the present and future Generations may have the benefit thereof. This being not attainable for the present, nor suddenly to be expected, it is very expedient, that (while sundry of the Eldest Planters are yet living) Records and Memorials of Remarkable Providences be preserved and published, that the true Originals of these Plantations may not be lost; that NewEngland, in all time to come, may remember the day of her smallest things; and that there may be a furniture of Materials for a true and full history in after times." To this they add that, "For these and such like Reasons we are willing to Recommend unto the Reader this present Narrative as a Useful Piece. The Author is an approved godly man, and one of the first Planters at Plimouth." Morton says (p. 2), "Although this church was at peace, and in rest at this time, yet they took up thoughts of removing themselves into America with common consent; the Proposition of removing thither being set on foot and prosecuted by the Elders upon just and weighty grounds: for, although they did quietly and sweetly enjoy their Church-liberties under the States, yet they foresaw that Holland would be no place for their Church and Posterity to continue in comfortably, at least in that measure that they hoped to finde abroad; and that for these Reasons following, which I shail recite as received from themselves." He then gives the reasons in their order]: First, Because themselves were of a different Language from the Dutch, where they lived, and were settled in their way, insomuch that in ten years time, whiles their Church sojourned amongst them, they could not bring them to reform the neglect of Observation of the Lords-day as a Sabbath, or any other thing amiss amongst them. Secondly, Because their Countrymen, who came over to joyn with them, by reason of the hardness of the Country, soon spent their Estates, and were then forced either to return back to England, or to live very meanly. Thirdly, That many of their Children, through the extreme necessity that was upon them, although of the best dispositions, and graciously inclined, and willing to bear part of their Parents burthens, were oftentimes so oppressed with their heavy labours, that although their Spirits were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decrepid in their early youth, and the vigour of Nature consumed in the very bud. And that which was very lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be born, was, that many by these occa sions, and the great licentiousness of Youth in that Country, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins on their necks, and departing from their Parents: Some became Souldiers, others took upon them farre Voyages by Sea, and other-some worse tending to dis soluteness, and the destruction of their Souls, to the great grief of their Parents, and the dishonor of God; and that the place being a place of great licentiousness and liberty to Children, they could not educate them, nor could they give them due correction without reproof or reproach from their Neighbours. Fourthly, That their Posterity would in few generations become Dutch, and so lose their interest in the English Nation, they being desirous rather to enlarge His Majesties Dominions, and to live under their Naturall PRINCE. Fifthly and lastly, and which was not the least, a great hope and inward Zeal they had of laying some good Foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and advancement of the Gospel of the Kingdome of Christ in those remote parts of the World; yea although they should be but as steppingstones unto others for the performance of so great a Work. THE MAYFLOWER COMPACT ["Mourt's Relation" (p. 5) says, "Before we came to harbour, obseruing some not well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue some appearance of faction, it was thought good that there should be an association and agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and submit to such government and gov. ernours, as we should by common consent agree to make and chose, and set our hands to this that followes word for word"]: IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are vnderwritten, the loyall Subiects of our dread soveraigne Lord King IAMES, by the grace of God of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Having vndertaken for the Glory of God, and advancement of the Christian Faith, and honour of our King and Countrey, a Voyage to plante the first Colony in the Northerne parts of VIRGINIA, doe by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselues together into a civill body politike, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hereof to enact constitute, and frame such iust and equall Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the generall good of the Colony: vnto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnesse whereof we haue herevnder subscribed our names, Cape Cod 11. of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne Lord King IAMES, of England, France, and Ireland Anno Domino 18. and of Scotland 54. 1620. [The author of the compact probably made an innocent departure in saying that this was the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, as, also, in saying that the voyage was undertaken for the purpose of settling there. The original destination was the region of the Hudson. The disaffected persons may have included Stephen Hopkins the Londoner, if he was the person who intrigued at Bermuda in 1609, though afterward pardoned. In regard to the disaffection which led to the compact, Bradford (p. |