CHAPTER XXIV.

1845-1846.

Political Events of these Two Years-Difficulties of Sir Robert Peel-Bill Increasing the Endowment of Maynooth-Sir James Graham's Complaints of the Press-Mr. Croker on the Discontent of the Tory Party-Sir Robert Peel's own Views-The Landed Interest--The Potato Disease-Progress of the Anti-Corn-Law League-Peel's Change of Ground on Protection-His Treatment of the CabinetDismay of his Supporters - Correspondence between the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Croker - The Duke on Peel's Policy - Lord Brougham's Criticisms-Mr. Croker to Sir R. Peel and Lord Ashburton -Mr. Gladstone's Disapproval of Mr. Croker's Views-Lord Ashburton on Peel's Course-Announcement in the Times of Peel's intention to Repeal the Corn Laws-The Duke's Position-His Determination to stand by Peel-Mr. Croker complains of having been Misled by Peel— The Duke of Rutland on the Democratic Tide-The Bill for the Repeal of the Corn Laws Correspondence between the Duke of Rutland and Mr. Croker-Letters to Lord Brougham and Sir James Graham-Mr. Croker's Opinions of the Repeal Bill-His Narrative to Sir Henry (Lord) Hardinge The Repeal Debates in the Lords-Lord Lonsdale's Perplexities His reference to "Israeli "--Mr. Lockhart on the "New Timon "-Mr. Croker's Account of a Conversation with the Duke of Wellington-Letters from Wellington and Lord Stanley- Lord George Bentinck and Lord Lyndhurst-Correspondence on the Subject -Lord Lyndhurst's Statement as to his Appointments-A Visit to Strathfieldsaye.

THERE are few more interesting years in English political history than 1845 and 1846. They witnessed the triumph of the Manchester school, and the introduction of a new system into the commercial policy of England; they saw the desertion of the Conservative party by its leader, and the subse

quent downfall of that leader in the midst of his apparent triumph; the appearance of a remarkable man, who succeeded in rallying the broken columns, and in exciting the curiosity and expectation of all observers, and was then suddenly, and almost mysteriously, taken from the world;-the slow rise of still another leader, long distrusted and despised by his party, but eventually followed with enthusiasm, even when he was guided by principles which seemed to have been borrowed from the statesman whose life he had condemned as "one great appropriation clause." The personal records of these two years are as full of startling surprises as any of the great dramas which absorb the attention of mankind. There is the picture of a knot of discouraged agitators becoming so great a power in the State, that each party has since lived chiefly by adapting itself to their principles. There are the contrasts presented in the career of Sir Robert Peel, who seemed destined to enjoy as long a lease of power as Lord Liverpool, and who fell by the hands of the party which he had sacrificed, and of the men whose system he had adopted; the unprecedented incidents which surrounded the brief presence on the scene of Lord George Bentinck, down to the moment when he went out for the morning's walk from which he never returned; the resolute struggle for supremacy which was made by the pamphleteer and novelist, who was so little known or comprehended by the Conservatives of the older school, that they could not even manage to spell his name correctly. This is not the place in which the whole of this "strange eventful history" can properly be set forth, but a brief summary of some of its incidents will form a necessary introduction to the letters and documents which tend to throw a new and powerful light upon it.

It was evident to many men, even in the early part of 1845, that the Administration of Sir Robert Peel was not so

strong as it seemed. The landed interest was alarmed, and yet the people were not being won over. Sir Robert Peel had estranged many of his supporters by his cold and haughty manner, and a still larger number by the tendency which he had more than once shown to make rapid changes of ground, on the most important questions, without notice or warning to his supporters. The discontent in Parliament soon found a voice. It was in the month of February that Mr. Disraeli may be said to have begun that series of attacks upon Peel which eventually drove the Ministry from power. Some of these attacks were excessive in their asperity, and were disfigured by a certain florid tone which occasionally went dangerously near to making them ridiculous; but in the main they served their purpose. It was then that Mr. Disraeli described the Prime Minister as having come upon the Whigs bathing, and run off with their clothes. A few days later he declared that Protection was in about the same state that Protestantism was in 1828. He contended that if the country was to have Free-trade, it ought to have it from Mr. Cobden, not from the statesman who was pledged to the defence of Protection. In April the Bill for increasing and re-arranging the endowment of Maynooth was introduced by Peel, and Mr. Disraeli stigmatised him as the "great Parliamentary middleman," who "bamboozles one party and plunders the other." He told the nominal leader of his party, that "cunning is not caution, and that habitual perfidy is not high policy of State." The Maynooth bill was carried, but it did not appear that Sir Robert Peel had strengthened his position either with his party or with the country.

Towards the end of January, Sir James Graham, who, it will be remembered, was the Home Secretary, wrote to Mr. Croker, calling his attention to the hostile tone of the press. "The cry of the pack is general," he remarked, "and they are

inclined to run us down." He was disposed to attribute this to some want of "management" on the parts of the Secretaries of the Treasury; in reality it was a sign that the beginning of the end was come. Sir James Graham went on to say

"The Press in a united host against the Government is a powerful adversary, and in the long run must do us mischief. There are, however, advantages in our independence from the thraldom which the fear of the newspapers rivets on those whose first aim is popularity. The hostility of the Times has somewhat abated: it has burnt itself out; but the approaching Session, I fear, will add fresh fuel to the fire. Stanley and I have had our share of abuse; yet we survive it."

Lord Ashburton † to Mr. Croker. Extract.

MY DEAR CROKER,

March 12th, 1845.

I know nothing of the Dutch saint mentioned in the Malmesbury papers, but the first time I meet Dedel will ask what he knows about him. I ran away from Holland the night before Pichegru entered Amsterdam, and in 1797 I was occupied in courting my Lady in Philadelphia.

As I see you are busy with these curious memoirs, the historical fact will not escape you of the great eagerness of Pitt for peace in 1797, and the desponding view of affairs taken both by him and Canning, checked by the dogged obstinacy of Grenville. This was the year of the mutiny and of the most critical event of that great war, the Bank suspension, an event

* Letter to Mr. Croker, dated Whitehall, January 29th, 1845.

[This was Alexander Baring, first Baron Ashburton, signer of the Ashburton Treaty, mentioned in vol. ii. pp. 393-403. He was born in 1774, and married in 1798 Anne Louisa, eldest daughter of Mr. Bingham, of Philadelphia-a senator of the United States. Lady Ashburton, as well as her husband, frequently corresponded with Mr. Croker, and they were next door neighbours at Alverstoke, where Mr. Croker had a marine villa. Both Lord and Lady Ashburton died in 1848, one in May, and the other in December.]

[In the Quarterly Review, No. 150 (March, 1845) was an article by Mr. Croker on the 'Diaries and Correspondence of James, first Earl of Malmesbury,' which had just been published.]

which set us at our ease, and enabled us to borrow without stint down to the battle of Waterloo, when our great Duke's victories just came in time to save us from bankruptcyfrom this fatal facility of what Falstaff calls " scoring up.'

I doubt, however, whether this event is more than deferred, seeing that our generation are unwilling to do anything towards the reduction of our score in the thirty years of we have now enjoyed.

Ever affectionately yours,

peace

ASHBURTON.

In March, the signs of dissatisfaction were so unmistakable that Mr. Croker no longer hesitated to speak plainly about them.

Mr. Croker to Sir James Graham. Extract.

MY DEAR GRAHAM,

West Moulsey, March 21st, 1845.

I hear from all quarters that the country gentlemen are greatly out of temper, or perhaps I should rather say out of spirits; and you may depend upon it, are in a state of mind very unsatisfactory, not to say precarious and alarming. You know that I was, and am, favourable to the new Corn Scale. I think it decidedly protective, though I wish now as I wished then, that the scale had run on to 25s. or 30s. more; for I remember Peel's telling me that autumn, that he had a letter from New Orleans, saying that the Mississippi wheat would be able to meet our 20s. duty in London. Nor was I, nor am I, afraid of the general operation of the tariff; but I am, confess, of Canada corn; and I am not surprised that all these and several other smaller circumstances, light indeed, but all going in the same direction, should alarm country gentlemen, whose turn of mind is towards immediate and tangible interests rather than prospective, circuitous, and consequential advantages.

I do think that some occasion ought to be found or made, if not of doing, at least of saying, and strongly too, something comforting and gratifying to that great interest, which is, after all, the only safe basis of a Government in this country.

Ever yours, &c.,

J. W. CROKER.