materials to an International Atomic Energy Agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.

The ratios of contributions, the procedures and other details would properly be within the scope of the "private conversations" I have referred to earlier.

The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.

Undoubtedly initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.

The Atomic Energy Agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.

The more important responsibility of this Atomic Energy Agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind. The United States would be more than willing-it would be proud to take up with others "principally involved" the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited. Of those "principally involved" the Soviet Union must, of course, be one.

OUT OF FEAR AND INTO PEACE

I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would: First-encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate;

Second-begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world's atomic stockpiles;

Third-allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first, rather than in building up the armaments of war;

Fourth-open up a new channel for peaceful discussion, and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear, and is to make positive progress toward peace.

Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.

The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly; in the capitals and military headquarters of the world; in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governors or governed, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.

To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you-and therefore before the world-its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma-to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.

I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me, in inviting me to appear before them, and in listening to me so courteously. Thank you.

Press Release From the Office of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, Statement of Representative Sterling Cole (of New York), Chairman, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, December 8, 1953

The President has spoken for the conscience of all men of good will. I endorse with all my heart his objective of bringing the peacetime benefits of atomic energy to all those who share the vision of a better world.

When the President's plan is submitted to the Congress, I hope it will receive prompt and favorable consideration by my colleagues of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy. As Committee Chairman, I will do everything within my power to help assure support of the objectives set forth in the President's speech.

On August 21 last, I wrote President Eisenhower and expressed my personal hope that our nation will "seize every opportunity to assure the world that we stand ready to share the benefits of peacetime. atomic energy with decent people everywhere". I further urged that our nation "construct as quickly as possible a reactor turning out large amounts of useful power, and then aid our allies in the construction of similar machines-always subject, of course, to the necessary security safeguards".

It should be recognized that wisdom, time, and effort will be needed to translate President Eisenhower's proposals into actuality, and we must not permit his objectives to be aborted. In any agreements arising out of the President's proposals, we must make sure that there are adequate safeguards to guarantee full, complete and continuing cooperation of the subscribing nations.

President Eisenhower has pointed the way toward making this second decade of the atomic era one in which man's inventive genius can be directed to the diminution of human misery, the abolition of want and the banishment of war. Let us Americans now unite behind the President in striving to reach this goal.

NOTE TO SOVIET AMBASSADOR ZAROUBIN BY SECRETARY OF STATE JOHN FOSTER DULLES, JANUARY 11, 19541

1 See p. 262, for text of this note and other documents, under the title "Atomic Pool Proposal, “as exchanged between the United States and the U. S. S. R. For purposes of simplicity and clarity, these documents are presented together as a unit, as of the date of their release, September 25, 1954, rather than being interspersed among other documents in this manual.

FEBRUARY 17, 1954.-Referred to the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy and ordered to be printed

To the Congress of the United States:

For the purpose of strengthening the defense and economy of the United States and of the free world, I recommend that the Congress approve a number of amendments to the Atomic Energy Act of 1946. These amendments would accomplish this purpose, with proper security safeguards, through the following means:

First, widened cooperation with our allies in certain atomic energy matters;

Second, improved procedures for the control and dissemination of atomic energy information; and,

Third, encouragement of broadened participation in the development of peacetime uses of atomic energy in the United States.

NUCLEAR PROGRESS

In 1946, when the Atomic Energy Act was written, the world was on the threshold of the atomic era. A new and elemental source of tremendous energy had been unlocked by the United States the year before. To harness its power in peaceful and productive service was even then our hope and our goal, but its awesome destructiveness overshadowed its potential for good. In the minds of most people this new energy was equated with the atomic bomb, and the bomb

spelled the erasure of cities and the mass death of men, women, and children.

Moreover, this Nation's monopoly of atomic weapons was of crucial importance in international relations. The common defense and world peace required that this monopoly be protected and prolonged by the most stringent security safeguards.

In this atmosphere the Atomic Energy Act was written. Well suited to conditions then existing, the act in the main is still adequate to the Nation's needs.

Since 1946, however, there has been great progress in nuclear science and technology. Generations of normal scientific development have been compressed into less than a decade. Each successive year has seen technological advances in atomic energy exceeding even progressive estimates. The anticipations of 1946, when Government policy was established and the Atomic Energy Act was written, have been far outdistanced.

One popular assumption of 1946-that the United States could maintain its monopoly in atomic weapons for an appreciable timewas quickly proved invalid. That monopoly disappeared in 1949, only 3 years after the Atomic Energy Act was enacted. But to counterbalance that debit on the atomic ledger there have been mighty increases in our assets.

A wide variety of atomic weapons-considered in 1946 to be mere possibilities of a distant future have today achieved conventional status in the arsenals of our Armed Forces. The thermonuclear weapon, nonexistent 8 years ago, today dwarfs in destructive power all atomic weapons. The practicability of constructing a submarine with atomic propulsion was questionable in 1946; 3 weeks ago the launching of the U. S. S. Nautilus made it certain that the use of atomic energy for ship propulsion will ultimately become widespread. In 1946, too, economic industrial power from atomic energy sources seemed very remote; today, it is clearly in sight-largely a matter of further research and development, and the establishment of conditions in which the spirit of enterprise can flourish.

Obviously, such developments as these within so short a period should have had a profound influence on the Nation's atomic energy policy. But in a number of respects our atomic energy law is still designed to fit the conditions of 1946.

Many statutory restrictions, based on such actual facts of 1946 as the American monopoly of atomic weapons and limited application of atomic energy in civilian and military fields, are inconsistent with the nuclear realities of 1954. Furthermore, these restrictions impede the proper exploitation of nuclear energy for the benefit of the American people and of our friends throughout the free world.

An objective assessment of these varied factors leads clearly to these conclusions: In respect to defense considerations, our atomic effectiveness will be increased if certain limited information on the use of atomic weapons can be imparted more readily to nations allied with us in common defense. In respect to peaceful applications of atomic energy, these can be developed more rapidly and their benefits more widely realized through broadened cooperation with friendly nations and through greater participation by American industry. By enhancing our military effectiveness, we strengthen our efforts