are in the construction or planning stage in the U. S., including several university projects.

12. Criteria for Use.-There are many nuclear systems which might be used for these machines. Choice of specific design will depend upon a number of factors including (a) intended uses, (b) experience or background of operating group, (c) types of materials including fuel-available for construction, and (d) the amount of money available.

13. Range and Costs.-There is a wide range of applications for research reactors and an equally wide range of costs dependent upon specific designs and operations programs. Reactors of the types likely to be important to this program range from less than $100,000 to several millions of dollars for construction, and from a few tens of thousands of dollars to several hundreds of thousands of dollars per year in operating costs.

14. State of Technology.-The business of building research reactors in the United States has not yet matured to the point of dealing in truly standard designs. It has advanced considerably in this direction, however, and there are a number of industrial organizations in this country which have announced their interest in designing, engineering and/or construction of research reactors. Several of these have prepared brochures describing proposed types of research reactor designs and offering their services in this field.

15. Private Firms in Field.-Further indication of industrial activity, interest and preparedness is found in the qualification of more than 30 companies to receive invitations to bid on the small packaged power reactor project. Over half of these are known to have subsidiaries or offices in foreign countries exclusive of Canada. It seems clear that American industry is prepared now to participate in assistance to foreign countries in the research reactor field to whatever extent may prove desirable.

16. Effect on United States.-This program can be undertaken without causing significant diversion of fissionable material or trained per-sonnel from the United States atomic energy program.

17. No Use in Weapons.-The amounts and degree of enrichment of the reactor fuel being made available will not enable any nation receiving an allocation to make an atomic weapon. NOVEMBER 1954.

Statement by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Press Releaseby James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the President, 'Atoms for Peace," November 3, 1954

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I thought you might be interested in knowing about recent develop-ments in the "Atoms for Peace" program of the United States.

Today John Foster Dulles, the Secretary of State, is delivering toMr. Zaroubin, the Soviet Ambassador, our reply to the Soviet aidememoire of September 22nd. You will recall that this Soviet message indicated that they apparently wanted to renew the negotiations to implement the proposal which I made to the United Nations last December for an international pool of fissionable material and information. I hope that this will start a new phase in the U. S.-U. S. S. R. negotiations which will be more fruitful than the first phase during

which the Soviets showed a lack of interest in cooperating with the United States to further international cooperation in developing the peaceful uses of atomic energy.

Later this week Ambassador Cabot Lodge is going to give a report on American preliminary plans in connection with the International Agency in the Political Committee of the United Nations. This great project is very close to my heart and I am glad to see that we are making good progress toward establishing the Agency. We are determined to get on with this international project whether or not the Soviets participate.

I am glad to be able to tell you also that Morehead Patterson of New York has agreed to serve under Mr. Dulles, in the Department of State, as United States representative to conduct the diplomatic negotiations looking to United States participation in the International Atomic Energy Agency. I am going to see Mr. Patterson tomorrow to tell him about the great importance which I attach to this International Atomic Energy Agency.

Statement by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., United States Representative in Committee One of United Nations General Assembly, on "International Cooperation in Developing the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy," Report of the United States of America, November 5, 1954

I. THE SEQUEL OF THE PRESIDENT'S PROPOSAL

Mr. President: Almost eleven months ago many of us in this building heard a speech by President Eisenhower, who had flown here directly from a conference in Bermuda. His speech addressed itself to the overwhelming problems which then confronted the whole world, and still confront it today.

One problem was the danger of atomic war-wherein one nation could, by surprise attack, inflict grievous atomic damage on the United States, and in return receive atomic retaliation of fearsome proportions, leaving a ruin of mangled bodies, cultures, and economic and political systems after the atomic dust had settled.

President Eisenhower knew, and said, that merely to present the threat and to promise retaliation was neither an adequate nor a true picture of the feelings or the purposes of the United States.

In the name of the human race; in the name of civilization; in the name of truly peaceful purpose-there had to be the promise of something more than earth-shattering explosions.

The President knew, and said, that such a speech had better be left unspoken unless he could add a message of peaceful hope.

In considering how best to present his message of hope, he was faced with a historical fact of controlling significance: the years-long, stubborn problem of negotiating a system for reduction and control of armaments and for the effective elimination of nuclear weapons.

Seven years of debate and negotiations had failed to bring the world closer to this goal.

The President, therefore, decided that to make a proposal which would be wholly within the framework of the trying debates of the

past would not be considered, by you or the peoples of the world, an act of hopeful sincerity promising early progress.

He wanted to make an offer removed from the aura of past dejection and failure; he wanted to make an offer whose outstanding and unmistakable characteristic was that it was feasible-that it was do-ablethat men and nations of good will and peaceful purpose could accept easily, and without having to lose face by having to reverse previously stated positions.

And so, on December 8, 1953, standing in the great hall upstairs and before this great Assembly, President Eisenhower said:

"I therefore make the following proposals:

"The Governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an International Atomic Energy Agency. We would expect that such an Agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.

"The ratios of contributions, the procedures and other details would properly be within the scope of the 'private conversations' I have referred to earlier.

"The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.

"Undoubtedly initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attenpt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control."

The President described the main purpose of the new international agency in these words: "to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind." He mentioned specifically the fields of agriculture, medicine, and electric power. Then he added:

"The United States would be more than willing-it would be proud to take up with others 'principally involved' the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.

"Of those 'principally involved' the Soviet Union must, of course, be one."

The President wished to take every precaution in order to insure that the Soviet Government would take this proposal at its serious, sincere, long-term, face value, and not interpret it as a short-term propaganda trick.

To insure this, he did two things. First, our Ambassador in Moscow was instructed to advise Mr. Molotov, in advance of the delivery of the speech, that it would contain material of serious import, and that we wished the Soviet Government so to consider it. Besides, after the speech was made, and awaiting an initiative from the Soviet Union to hold private conversations, all individuals and Agencies of the United States Government were instructed to remain silent as to the details of the proposal and to confine themselves, if the need for explanation arose, to a simple reiteration of the President's own text and the statement that we were awaiting word from the Soviet Union.

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The President's second concern had to do with this very body-the United Nations. When he received Secretary-General Hammarskjold's invitation to address you, he chose to make his proposal before this body and no other-because he wished the world to know that in this overwhelmingly important matter, he turned to the United Nations as the international organism most appropriate both to hear the original enunciation of the proposal and to participate in the development of the plan.

You all know the positive and hopeful response which greeted the President's proposal from all parts of the world. This response has greatly heartened the United States in its work with other States in developing a plan of action.

You know too that there was one disappointment a rejection by the USSR of the President's proposal until the United States would agree to an unconditional and un-safeguarded ban on the use of atomic weapons. The story of that is contained in a United Nations document which is before you, Document A/2738 of 27 September 1954. Beginning on April 27 and continuing throughout this exchange of notes, the Soviet Union insisted that our new hope be shackled to the long debates of the past, where the difficulties of even the smallest progress had been so amply demonstrated.

True enough, the Soviet Union told us in a note delivered on September 22, 1954-the day before the Secretary of State made his opening address to the General Assembly-that it was keeping the door open on a tiny crack. Actually the door had been thrown wide open on December 8, 1953, by the United States, and has been kept wide open by the United States ever since. The door is still open.

On learning of the essentially negative Soviet attitude, the United States lost no time in proceeding with conversations with other states-conversations whose initiation had awaited only a clear expression of the Soviet position. The States with which we have been conferring are those which have either developed raw material resources or advanced atomic energy programs and are engaged in developing this great force-namely, the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Australia, Belgium, Union of South Africa, and Portugal. It is significant that all of us agreed that, despite the refusal of the Soviet Union to participate, we should move ahead with formation of the Agency. Our discussions have made some progress, as we shall later point out.

It was in these circumstances that Secretary of State Dulles spoke to this Assembly last September 23rd and said:

"The United States is determined that President Eisenhower's proposal shall not languish until it dies. We are determined that it shall be nurtured and developed. And we shall press on in close partnership with those nations which, inspired by the ideals of the United Nations, can make this great new force a tool of humanitarianism and of statemanship, and not merely a fearsome addition to the arsenal of war.

"The United States is here proposing an agenda item which will enable us to report further on our efforts to explore and to develop the vast possibilities for the peaceful uses of atomic energy. These efforts have been and will be directed primarily toward the following

ends:

"1. The creation of an international agency whose initial membership will include nations from all regions of the world—

and it is hoped that such an agency will start its work as early as next year.

"2. The calling of an international scientific conference to consider this whole vast subject, to meet in the spring of 1955, under the auspices of the United Nations.

"3. The opening early next year in the United States of a reactor training school where students from abroad may learn the working principles of atomic energy, with specific regard to its peacetime uses.

"4. An invitation to a substantial number of medical and surgical experts from abroad to participate in the work of our cancer hospitals, in which atomic energy techniques are among the most hopeful approaches to controlling this menace to mankind.

"I want to make it perfectly clear that our planning excludes no nation from participation in this great venture.

Just this past Wednesday, November 3, President Eisenhower announced that the United States had delivered to the Soviet Ambassador in Washington a reply to the Soviet note of September 22, and that the President hoped that this would start a new phase in the U. S.-Soviet negotiations which might be more fruitful than the past efforts. The President reiterated, however, that the United States is determined to proceed with likeminded states in establishing an international agency to make this great power available to mankind generally as a boon which would benefit us all.

This is the history, briefly told, of the first year of efforts to create an international organization to ensure world cooperation in the peaceful uses of the atom.

The thought that has governed all our suggestions is that what we propose to do is feasible-is doable.

However, before we probe the future of international cooperation in this field, let us see where we stand today; let us review briefly the scientific developments that have brought us beyond the threshold of the atomic age.

II. THE THRESHOLD OF THE ATOMIC AGE

This moment of our discussion is a moment of excitement and challenge in the science and art of the atom. We in this hall are dealing with something more than the resolutions and amendments and forms of organization which are the tools of our diplomatic trade. We are dealing with the knowledge of a force, the mastery of a force, whose gigantic power of destruction is exceeded only by its power for human good.

Even we, as laymen, are aware of the thrilling sense of discovery in the minds of the scientists who have been able to put this gi t in our hands. If we can share that sense of discovery, then we may hope that our diplomatic progress will be a worthy match for the physical progress that has been brought about by the most adventurous scientific minds of our century.

A few key facts of that atomic progress show clearly that we have already passed the threshold of the peaceful atomic age. The summary which follows herewith will not touch on the achievements in other countries, which are equally promising and of which we shall doubtless hear more in the course of this debate.