a felect party of 600 grenadier Se- The Bombay regular force amounted to about 4000 men (of which 700 were faid to be Europeans) with a powerful train of artillery. Ragonaut Row commanded a feparate divifion, of two regiments of Sepoys and about 600 horfe, compofed of his own followers. The army was encumbered with an enormous baggage, and fuch a number of carriages and cattle as were totally inconfiftent with the nature of the fervice and fhortness of the distance. The military maxims of the Eaft were never held in any eftimation among warlike nations; but it would feem from this inftance, and that of the Bengal detachment, as if the English were falling into one of their moft inveterate and ruinous vices. The nominal command of the Bombay army lay in Col. Eger. ton; but the felect committee appointed the fecond in council and another gentleman as their deputies, to fuperintend the operations of the army in the field; investing civilians with powers as incompatible with their own fituation and knowledge as with military fubordination and fervice. Thefe two gentlemen with Col. Egerton, compofed what was called the Poonah committee. On New Year's Day, 1779, the whole army began their march from Condola, the firft village on the Poonah fide of the pafs, and foon found the Marattas hanging on all fides, who impeded their progrefs by a cannonade and diftant attack with rockets, through the courfe of the day. Col. Cay was mortally wounded in this outset of the business. The fame fort of cannonade and interruption was repeated through every day's march, from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, which we fuppofe was the time that the troops were in motion; the Marattas cautiously abftaining from coming within reach of the fmall arms; and the loss varying according to circumftances. Thus conftantly har raffed, the army could only advance at the rate of from three to four miles a day. On the 4th of January, Capt. Stuart, a brave officer, who commanded the select body of grenadiers, was killed by a cannon ball; which obliged the army to halt at a village called Chockley. In a few days, on their arrival at Tullicanoon, a beautiful village adorned with noble buildings (which was, however, burnt on their approach) and only about 20 miles fhort of Poonah, they found their difficulties and dangers multiplied in fuch a degree, as put an end to all hope of farther progrefs. They were already fo completely furrounded, that every kind of fupply, and all intercourfe with the country, were entirely cut off. The enemy had been every hour encreafing in force from the time of their quitting the Gaut, and it was now become tremendous. The Marattas themfelves fay it amounted to near 60,000 horfe. Upon their arrival at the fmoking ruins of that fine village, they were closely attacked, with a determined vigour and confidence which they had not before experienced. In this fkirmish the enemy acknowledged the lofs of 200 men; and faid that on the British fide 25 Europeans and 100 Sepoys fell. In this ftate of things, Jan. 11th, the two remaining mem1779. bers of the committee (one of them being at this time either dead or irrecoverably ill) determined upon a retreat in the night, hoping to fave the army by regaining the Gaut, or Mountain Pafs. The profligate and abandoned Ragonaut Row, endeavoured to profit of this deplorable fituation, and to purchase perfonal fecurity and peace with his country, at the price of betraying his allies to deftruction. He is faid to have made the overture to Sindia, who feems to have been the principal Maratta commander; and that he not only informed him of the defign, the hour of departure, and the order of march, but that he promised to fall upon them with his own forces in the hurry and confufion of the attack. This charge upon Ragonaut is not made by the English, but comes from a quarter which had much better means of information, and was not fo liable to taciturnity upon that particular fubject. At any rate, it can offer no injury to Ragonaut; the abhorrence in which he has been conftantly held by all the princes of India, as well as by his own country, marks his character too ftrongly to admit of any additional colouring. The line of march on the retreat being altered, and Ragonaut with his forces placed in a new pofition, it was fuppofed that the English commanders had received fome intelligence of his treachery. However that was, their rear was attacked before it had well got off the ground, foon after one in the morning; and by day-break the whole army found itself furrounded, and furiously affaulted on all fides. The engagement continued till four o'clock in the afternoon, with fcarcely any ceffation on either fide; and was then only terminated through extreme heat and wearinefs. The cannonade during the whole time was tremendous on both fides. Nothing could exceed the bravery and firmnefs difplayed by the Company's troops, Sepoys as well as Europeans, during this long and fevere conflict. The British artillery were admirably ferved; and the furious attacks repeatedly made by the Maratta horfe to charge the line fword in hand, were conftantly repelled with great lofs by the well-timed and wellplaced difcharge of their grapehot; which was, however, accompanied and fupported by an [B] 3 uniform uniform and fevere fire of mufquetry. Captain Hartley, who commanded that divifion of the army which was most severely preffed, was highly and particularly diftinguished by his conduct on this day. The native accounts ftate the lofs on the British fide in this action, at 150 Europeans and 800 Sepoys; but the lofs feems to be much exaggerated. The Marattas furrounded the camp during the night, and kept patrolles conftantly in motion, to prevent even the poffibility of efcape. Being now fecure of their prey, they were contented with a cannonade, without attempting any close attack on the following day. It was returned by the enclofed army until the afternoon, when the firing on the English fide ceafed. A flag of truce being fent out, the Marattas likewife ceafed firing. The requeft which accompanied it requiring that hoftilities might cease for a given time, until propofals could be made for an accommodation, was as freely complied with. The Maratta generals, however, remitted no part of their watchful care, in guarding all the avenues from the camp during the night. Two gentlemen were deputed by the committee in the morning to confer with the Maratta chiefs. The only account which we have feen or heard of the conference, is given in a letter fent at the time to the Nabob of Arcot, from his envoy at the court of Poonah, and which ftates it in the following manner:-That the deputy having first declared (it is to be fuppofed in the name of the Company) that they were only merchants, then proceeded to state, that Ragonaut Row had come to them and demanded their protection. That they thought he had a right to the government, and gave him their affiftance. That nothing but ill fortune attended him; and they had been brought to their prefent miferable state by keeping him with them. The Marattas were now mafters, and might take him from them.That they fhould henceforth adhere to the treaties eftablished between both nations; and requested that what had happened might be forgiven. The Maratta minister answered, Ragonaut Row is one of us : What right could you have to interfere in our concerns with him? He then laid down the following terms: That they fhould restore Salfette, Baroach, and whatever elfe had been taken from the Marattas in the late war. That they fhould adhere to the treaty concluded with Balajee Row in the year 1761; and that they should require nothing farther. The deputies went back with this anfwer, and did not return until the following day at noon. It is not clear, whether hoftilities were or were not recommenced during the interval. They informed Sindia that they had brought a blank paper, figned and fealed by the committee and principal military officers, which the Maratta chiefs were to fill up as they pleafed Sindia, with equal moderation and wisdom (for the wisdom and policy of the meafure are not to be judged of from the event in this particular in-、 ftance) advised the Maratta council not to take any unreasonable ad council, with refpect to the dif posal of their forces. All thefe terms were fufficiently favourable; but they were clogged with the difgraceful condition, that Mr. Farmer and another gentleman should remain as hoftages until the treaty was ratified at Bombay; and the island of Salfette, with the other conquered countries, reftored. The treaty being returned perfected to the Maratta camp, the articles written in the English, Perfian, and Maratta languages, the whole confirmed by the Company's feal, and figned as we before obferved, the late enemy sent an immediate fupply of provifions to the Bombay army; through the want of which (our account fays) they were reduced to the last state of distress. A body of Maratta horse conducted them back to the fea-fhore, and faw them on board the boats which reconveyed them to Bombay, CHAP. II, Situation and conduct of Moodajee Boola, the Rajah of Berar. General Goddard paffes the Nerbudda with the army, who are liberally supplied with provifions and neceffaries in the dominions of Berar. Negociation with the Rajah, who refuses to accede to the conditions held out by the propofed treaty. General Goddard fets out on his march for Poonah; receives contradictory inftructions on the way, from the committee appointed to fuperintend the Bombay army; is met. by a minifter from the court of Poonah, who defires his return with the army to. Bengal, in pursuance of the treaty of Worgaum: Goddard refufes to comply, and directs his courfe to Surat. Prefidency of Bombay difavow the treaty of Worgaum, and thereby expofe the hoflages to great apparent danger. New Schemes adopted for a revolution in the Maratta Government. Supreme council confirm the conduct of Bombay in difavowing the convention of Worgaum; but empower Goddard to negociate a treaty upon other terms with the Marattas. Great preparations at the fame time made for war, and a renewal of the negociation with Moodajee Boola determined. Strong complaints made by the court of Poonah, of the faithless conduct of the Company. Ragobak efcapes from the cuftody of the Marattas, and flies for refuge to Goddard's camp, which increases the difficulties of the negociation with the former. Various caufes which led to the confederacy of [B] 4 the the great princes of India for the extermination of the English. Maranas break off the negociation with Goddard, and conclude a peace and alliance with Hyder Ally. Treaty of alliance concluded by the fupreme council with the Ranna of Ghod. Gen. Goddard concludes a treaty with Futty Sing; takes Ahmedabad, the capital of the Guzerat, by form, and reduces the whole province. Sindia and Holkar arrive with a Maratta army. Sindia reftores the gentlemen who were given as boflages at Worgaum. Propofals by Sindia for an accommodation rejected. General Goddard attacks and defeats the Maratta army. Capt. Campbell repulfes Sindia, and preferves bis convoy. Lieut. Walsh furprizes and defeats a large body of Marattas. Another large body defeated by Major Forbes. Major Popham's fucceffes on the fide of Bengal; drives the Marattas out of the country of Ghod; and Surprises the fortress of Gualier, which had always been deemed impregnable. State of affairs in the Carnatic. Treaty with Bazalet Jung for the Guntoor Circar, with other transactions, which led to great jealousy, dislike, and ill-will, on the fide of the Nizam of the Deccan, and of Hyder Ally. A S we have feen the unfortu- fubjects and theirs. He, however, nate iffue of the Bombay ex- poffeffed a claim, which, if he had pedition in favour of Ragoba, it been difpofed to enforce it, must will now be neceffary to take have afforded continual room for fome notice of the refult of that angry difcuffion; this was the degreater and more comprehenfive mand on Bengal of the chout, or part of the fyftem, which had been annual Maratta tribute, which had formed for the overthrow of the been long paid by that kingdom, prefent Maratta government, and and to which, if at all allowable, the establishment, in a great mea- he feemed entitled; but this fure, of a new arrangement of claim had lain fo long dormant, power and policy in India. Moo- as to be now fcarcely thought dajee Boofla, the Berar Rajah, of; and could only be revived from whatever motives it might by fome unexpected and exarife, feems to have been very fa- traordinary change of circumvourably difpofed to the British in- ftances. terefts; at leaft, it is evident that he was willing to enter into any conditions of mutual convenience and good neighbourhood which could tend to ftrengthen and render permanent a friendly connection. The Rajah's dominions were too remote, and too fecurely locked in from all maritime enterprize, to render him in any great degree apprehenfive of the Company's power; and the fame caufes, with others, prevented almeft all commerce between his As the conduct and difpofition of princes are ufually attributed to political motives, this attachment of the Rajah to the company must be fought for in other caufes than we have yet feen. It is faid, that he formerly had in contemplation fome defign of enforcing his claim to the throne of the Ram Rajah, in the profecution of which, the fupport, or even the countenance of the Company, would have been an object of no fmall confideration and import. The friendly inter courfe |