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ject, on which also he uniformly acted throughout the whole course of his truly apostolical career; and, instead of crowding together a variety of quotations, all of them to the same point, we shall rehearse these memorable words, written as if for these very times -spoken as if by a spirit of prophecy, to mark out the doom, and betoken the downfall of the USURPATION that has subsequently been built upon the scriptural foundation which he was chosen of God to lay in this benighted land. "THE BEAST IS A SPIRITUAL SECULAR POWER, OPPOSITE TO THE KINGDOM OF CHRIST; A POWER NOT MERELY SPIRITUAL OR ECCLESIASTICAL, NOR MERELY SECULAR AND POLITICAL, BUT A MIXTURE OF BOTH.

We have very naturally turned to Mr. Wesley's account of the Beast, in his Notes on Rev. xiii. 1. He there states-"This Beast is the Romish Papacy, as it came to a point six hundred years since, stands now, and will for some time longer. To this and no other power on earth agrees the whole text, and every part of it in every point; as we may see, with the utmost evidence, from the propositions following." We have then a string of eight PROPOSITIONS, and twenty-two OBSERVATIONS, in proof that this Beast must be the Papacy, and it can apply to no other power on earth. One or two points may be worth a moment's notice, as regards the origin and attributes of the Beast, and that which this Appeal calls the usurpation. This usurpation, it is stated in the Appeal, “has subsequently been built upon the scriptural foundation which he was chosen of God to lay in this benighted land." We are thankful to be informed by this Appeal that Methodism, after all, has been built on a scriptural foundation. How a religious system built on a scriptural foundation can be identified with popery, and be proved an usurpation, we are at a loss to conceive; and this writer does not deign to tell us. And does the papacy which Mr. Wesley says is meant by the Beast rest on a scriptural foundation? All the world knows that it has in every age been the object of popery to proscribe the scriptures, and deny the laity the right of reading them; whilst, in their absence, they have, with infinite cunning, founded a system of ecclesiastical polity which has effectually removed the "Apostles and Prophets together with Jesus Christ, the chief corner stone," from their scriptural position as the foundation of the Christian church. Has Methodism ever done this? Is not the Bible possessed by every one, and all the doctrines, disciplinary regulations, public ministry, and, in a word, the entire economy placed under the inspection and moral controul of the whole Body of people, as stated by the authority of scripture? Besides, Mr. Wesley's papal Beast, he tells us, had seven heads and ten horns; he is a secular prince: for a crown, yea, a kingdom, are ascribed to him—has a strict connexion with the city of Rome, and that it rose out of the sea. These are some of the qualities and attributes of the Beast. Does the "usurpation" agree to this description? It would be folly in us to make any remarks on this distorted analogy; but we do take the liberty to remind the Association that the Appeal comes at a time very unsuitable to their views. The parties they intend to influence and call to their aid, are in no position to give their assistance to demolish Methodism, because it is like popery. Their Appeal, no doubt, being addressed to the British public, is intended for the liberal part of that public; in what attitude does this party stand to popery just at this time? By a strange combination of events, these two classes, the liberals and papists, have become cousin-germans; and have been complimenting and caressing each other in the most endearing manner. -Most assuredly the Association has missed its mark here: we shall have all the liberals on our side, if they can make out a case of identity for us with popery. Only let them prove that our religion is just like the religion of O'Connell, and then we are safe enough. In admiration of popery these gentlemen have fraternized with its chief supporter, patronised his schemes for rendering it dominant in Ireland, done his will and pleasure in banishing the Bible and establishing a popish system of education; and, in return, have received his advocacy and support. The radicals are become the patrons of popery, and papists the props of radicalism. If the Appeal is intended for O'Connell and his party, it must fail, because they will feel themselves bound in consistency to support that which is most identical with their own profession; and the noble argument in proof that Methodism is the fac-simile of the "guilty" Beast, will cause them, of course, to hail the approximation with joy, and the "mother of harlots" will receive the daughter to her embrace with rapturous delight. But if, on the other hand, the Appeal is not intended for the papists, but for the infidels, the socinians, and the low political dissenters, and that numerous class of the "British public,' which, having no religion, are free to take any side; even the attempt must fail here, because all these parties are bound in the silken cords of the most endearing sympathy to each other, and all to O'Connell and popery. Then we remind you, our friends and fellow-christians of the Societies, that when you see yourselves represented as one of the Beasts, you need be under no apprehension that any parties will come forward to hunt the wild animal. The horn of the Association will call forth no dogs to the

chase; except, for the want of other employment, a certain portion of the public press should deem it within the legitimate functions of their liberal lucubrations, with one hand to support O'Connell and popery, and with the other to pull down and destroy its counterpart and image. The Courier has already made a flourish of trumpets; but it is not a sound that need frighten any of the adherents of our cause.

2.-It is next attempted to show that the Wesleyan communion is "a spiritually secular power" in the land, and that it is the design of the Conference so to maintain it. As this affirmation relates to the organization of the Connexion, as distinct from its operations, we beg to call your attention to the case. If it were true that the Wesleyan Body was founded on "a spiritually secular" principle; and, according to the evident meaning intended to be conveyed, assumed the religious name and garb for merely worldly purposes, then we should say, most certainly, that such an economy was of a most dangerous tendency. As to the formation of the Conference, the settlement of chapels, the rules of Society, the duties and rights of Ministers, the character and functions of local meetings, and, indeed, the entire scheme and constitution of the Societies, they are all published and open to the inspection of the world. We ask the Members whether, in the station they occupy, with a perfect knowledge of the internal working of the system as well as its prescriptive code, they discover any double purpose? We inquire, are you practised upon through the medium of your religious profession, to unite with others in the promotion of some secular scheme? Are any subjects proposed to you in your classes, your society meetings, your leaders', quarterly, and other meetings, on the question of worldly politics; or your suffrages sought in favour of some one class of opinions to the exclusion of others? Have you, in your intercourse with your Preachers, by hint, inuendo, and other modes of conveying thought, in an indirect way, found that, under the cloak of religion, they were, in fact, seeking to gain you over to some worldly scheme? Many of you have, for many years, been in the habit of listening to the discourses of these men of craft and deceit; and if they had been in the habit of making known any design such as is intimated, "beblinded' as you are, your eyes would surely have been opened sufficiently at some time to detect the cheat. No; you know that the one great object proposed by this system is to seek your salvation. Besides, if that British public, to which this Appeal is now made, will exercise a sober and dispassionate judgment, they will be easily able to detect the fallacy of this representation. Not being under the influence of the blinding dogmas of Methodism, they are in circumstances to know whether it infringes on their liberties and rights. Has the Wesleyan Body ever interfered, directly or indirectly, with the immunities and privileges of their fellow subjects? Do the places in which they have succeeded in forming their establishments meet with insufferable encroachments and annoyance from the operations, secret or open, of this system? Are we imitating our fellow papists in Ireland, in the employment of death's heads and cross bones, in thundering maledictions from our altars on all heretics, in refusing to hold dealings in trade with our fellow countrymen, and, by every mode of intimidation and expression, rendering life and property inseThis is, no doubt, the mode in which that "spiritually secular" power described by Mr. Wesley, even now works; do his followers imitate the example and fill up the horrid picture? Brethren, this is what is affirmed respecting you, and we are persuaded, if you do not spurn the charge with indignation, you will calmly roll the slander from yourselves, by the power of conscious innocence, upon the heads of the men who have had the daring hardihood to make it.

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3.-The working of the system of Methodism is next represented as dangerous to the liberties of the nation and of mankind. It exerts itself "to rival, to outstrip, and then to cast under, all other modes and forms of faith whatever. They have for near half a century been underworking the rights and freedoms of mankind; the same outside show of doctrine and discipline which their father left them being uniformly presented to the beguiled and beblinded eye of their unsuspecting adherents. The last meshes of their net have been knotted, and upwards of one million of our fellowcountrymen of their classes and congregations, in Great Britain alone-now find themselves enclosed within the toils of an ecclesiastical economy which asserts the divine right of an irresponsible priesthood to legislate in all matters of doctrine, whilst it maintains the legal right of ONE HUNDRED self-chosen elders of that priesthood to have and to hold, to open and to shut, several thousand houses of worship; all raised by voluntary subscription, for the religious instruction and benefit of the respective neighbourhoods in which they have been built.”

In this charge, you, and the Wesleyan Ministers are represented as outstripping and casting under, all other modes and forms of faith; and, consequently, as endangering the right of private judgment and freedom of religious worship. The other Christian denominations are judges of this, as well as yourselves. If such encroachments

are made upon their unquestionable rights, as is here stated, it is a marvellous thing that they do not defend themselves from the aggression. When it is said we "outstrip" many of the Christian Bodies of this country, you, like ourselves, will, we are certain, receive this as information. Our notion of our position in the race is, that we are lagging in the rear of some of our competitors; and as to casting their forms of faith under us, they enjoy, like ourselves, perfect freedom of conscience. What is it that malice cannot invent and assert? But there is one admission here which we are surprised the united cunning and duplicity of the Association did not keep back. It is, that the "same outside show of doctrine and discipline which their father left them is uniformly presented" to the "people." Is this true? The same parties have affirmed the contrary, especially as respects discipline, a thousand times over. It now comes out that the Wesleyan Ministers do preach and administer the same doctrine and discipline as their father in the gospel. But in order to fix a stigma of reproach on these parties, it is assumed that there are two sides to this system, and only one is exhibited to the people. Now, the "outside" doctrines proclaimed by the Methodist Preachers are, the deity and atonement of Christ-the personality, divinity, and influences of the Holy Spirit-the universal corruption and sin of man-justification by faith alone the necessity and practicability of regeneration-together with all the moral duties and obligations taught in the word of God. As it seems there is an inside to these doctrines, as well as an outside one, we should like to know what it may be. Perhaps, by the time the Association favours the world with another Appeal, they will have fathomed the interior mystery of these doctrines, and will inform us what it is that the wily system of Methodism contains in its inner temple, and what the faces of the unseen side of their doctrines may be. Then as to discipline, it is said, the outside is the same as that left by their father, only the rogues happen to have an inside as well. Now, as the discipline of the Connexion relates to the whole of its economical state-such as the rules on which the Society is formed and governed-will these gentlemen inform us what the difference may be betwixt the inside and outside of one of these rules. To such a wretched subterfuge are these men driven, as to make a distinction where none can possibly exist, for the sake of bolstering up their cause. How can trnth be divisible? The Wesleyan Ministers either do or do not preach the doctrines and administer the discipline of their great founder. We have now the testimony of the Association itself that they do so outwardly. Pray is there any other mode of doing it? We know of none?

Next it is said, that through the instrumentality of something behind the scene, "they have for near half a century been underworking the rights and freedoms of mankind." And, again,-" Of the real state of things in this Body, the country at large has but little knowledge; nor are our fellow-countrymen at all aware of the dangers with which they, in common with ourselves, are menaced by these overt acts of an ecclesiastical tyranny. The concentration, the organization, the secrecy, the care with which, at the nod of one man, the most complicated, yet most efficient machinery in the world, is now brought to bear upon the people of England, as one means of checking the progress of salutary reforms; and, under the mask of religion, at home, and missions abroad, of overstepping all other churches, and, upon their ruins, causing a second grisly papacy to arise; these religious and political features of Wesleyan Methodism, as at present administered, are now declaring themselves in a way that, unhappily, leaves no room for doubt; whilst it must fill the minds of the generous philanthropist with serious apprehension, if not dismay."-The first figure is taken from some subterraneous animal, a mole, or a rat; and, like these mischievous creatures, the friends and adherents of Wesleyan Methodism have been burrowing underground, to sap the foundations of British freedom, and lay the noble structure of constitutional liberty, like a fortress or castle, in the dust. If this has been their occupation for so great a length of time,' and, withal, they are so numerous and dexterous as they are represented to be, one would imagine some progress would have been made by this time; and the liberties of mankind would have been retrograding at a rapid rate. Surely one battlement of the noble temple of English liberty might have been brought down, and a breach made by which these foes of freedom might march boldly in, storm the whole, and build their own fabric of tyranny and popery on the ruins. Now, we ask you, and, indeed, the British public, whether the freedom of mankind has waned during the period of the existence and operations of Wesleyan Methodism? That epoch will be considered by future historians as one of the most important in the annals of the world; and, if the great moral and political movement which has taken place, is not ruined and despoiled of its glories by another kind of Beast than Wesleyan Methodism ;-we mean, the tyranny and despotism of radicalism, religious and political;— it will be referred to as the most favourable to freedom which ever dawned on the human race. What impediment has Methodism ever thrown in the way of the liberties

of mankind? Indirectly, she has done more to advance national freedom in connection with religion and public virtue, than any other section of the church; simply because she has done more to extend the elements of all real freedom-the knowledge of truth, and the blessings of Christianity. To her has been given the glory of sowing the seeds of the last great revival of religion; of rousing the mind of the nation and of the world from its lethargy; of putting in motion those great scriptural means and doctrines which have awakened the moral and mental faculties of mankind; of raising the poor of this and other countries into the condition of thinking, intelligent, and respectable citizens; of putting on foot various means to promote general education; of publishing a plain and cheap literature, for the instruction of the population at large; and, by these causes, the nation, and other portions of mankind, have advanced, by infinite degrees, in their civil condition and the amount of their freedom. We shall be accounted egotists; but, be it so: our firm conviction is, that the very cause which is now said to be dangerous to the liberties of the world, has done more to advance them than any other agency and influence in existence. But it happens in this case, as in many cases besides, that one generation and class of men labour, and others enter into their labours and reap the fruit. Who, we ask, gave to the working classes of this country that moral and religious knowledge which fitted them for the enlarged franchises which have been conferred upon them? Who toiled and died amongst the Negro race to teach them religion and prepare them for emancipation? Not, we reply, the statesmen who have legislated on these subjects, and who now wear the laurels of these great triumphs. That system of Methodism which is now the object of so many malignant attacks has done more than any other agency on earth to advance and promote this great cause. With strutting importance the radical demagogues and reformers now walk over the field of English and West Indian advanced civilization and freedom, cleared of brambles and brush-wood, and planted with the tree of knowledge and flowers of piety, by the long and incessant labours of Wesleyan and other teachers of religion, and now in lofty and pompous strains, exclaim, in the spirit of the monarch of "Babylon," is not this the work of our hands! It is no more the work of their hands than registering the battles, and writing the life of the illustrious conqueror of Napoleon, constitutes the science, the skill, the bravery, and the patriotism, by which a hundred battles were won the honour of England raised to the highest elevation in the sight of the world-the enemies of our country repressed in their maddening career, and the liberties of the nation secured against the most dangerous combination ever formed against their existence. The despicable faction of petty despots now constituting the "Grand Central," the friends and advocates of liberty indeed! The spirit of radicalism, whether civil or religious, is a spirit of unmixed tyranny. It moves on the plan of destroying every order but its own, that it may reign rampant over the liberties and destinies of every thing brought under its influence. We know not what providence may permit, either in the nation or in our own Connexion; but if, in either case, this evil genius should be allowed to gain the ascendant, we know the entire prostration of freedom in the nation must follow, and as regards our Body, it would become a mere instrument to serve the ambitious designs of these politico-religious democrats.

We have now the right so to designate them, for in this Appeal they unequivocally fraternize with this party, and call on them to come to their aid, to succour them in their distress, and overthrow Wesleyan Methodism. A more cunning and infamous attempt was never devised by the wickedness of man. The usual topics of declamation are resorted to, and the British public are unblushingly told, that the Wesleyan system is operating to the danger of their freedom, and the obstruction of salutary municipal and national reforms. At the moment, and in the town, we are writing this article, an active canvass is going on for the election of councillors under the new municipal act; and the whole population of the town know that some of the friends and members of the Wesleyan Society are taking part on one side, and some on the other. Not however as Members of Society, or as patronized, advised, or supported by it in any way whatever; but simply as Englishmen and part of the great body politic. We defy the Association to prove that the Wesleyan Body, in that capacity-by its Conference, by its circuit-meetings, or by any private union of its members-ever interfered to controul an election for a member of parliament, with one only exception-the slavery question; or concentrated their strength to controul the municipal, or any other public interests of corporation or town. And as these gentlemen do not appear to comprehend the principle on which Wesleyans do act, we tell them, it is, amongst other things, the love of true and real freedom which causes them so to abstain from a united co-operation in politics. We know classes of religious persons who are all of one mind on these questions-who congregate and unite to carry their favourite views, and if poll-books were examined, would be found as nearly as possible to have voted all on

one side. This may be called a love of, and the support of freedom; it is bigotted, sectarian, anti-national, and slavish subjection of soul and feeling to petty and party views and interests. To this the agitators of the Wesleyan Societies desire to reduce you, our brethren. We interfere not with your creeds and opinions, but we invite you to behold the noble attitude of real freedom in which you stand, compared with the pitiful tools of party faction; and we humbly, but fervently, conjure you to keep your position, and never allow yourselves to become the blind adherents of any party.

4. The Association have the candour to tell the British public, that they are at present only in pursuit of truth and freedom; and, consequently, they have no certainty as to the principles they hold or may finally adopt. "To find out what is the freedom wherewith Christ has made his people free, and then, having attained unto the truth of God, (whether Wesley, or Calvin, or Luther may have aided us in our search after it), to hand down the clustering blessings that grow out of it to our children after us-this great idea has led to the formation of the Wesleyan Methodist Association." It appears from this, then, that these parties are quite afloat, even as regards first principles. They are only attempting to find out the freedom of the gospel, and the truth of God, and do not know which may aid them most, Wesley, Calvin, or Luther! It follows that they have no knowledge whatever to what point of the compass they may be led. The want of space prevents us following out this as we could wish; but we hope our own people, who are devoted to Wesleyan Methodism on principle, will have the kindness to mark this confession. A set of men unite in a body with a professed view to reform the Society; and yet, now, after more than twelve months' agitation, they come forward and tell us, they are only in search of the truth, and have no settled views at all. We knew this to be the fact long ago; but it comes much better from themselves than from us. Now the Members of Society are made aware, on the avowals of the Association, that they do not know to what they shall ultimately conduct them. They may make themselves a Calvinistic, or a Lutheran, or -they know not what communion. They are in search after the liberty wherewith Christ makes his people free, and the truth of God; and the means they employ are such as the present Appeal, organized agitation, public meetings for declamation, and the whirlpool of passion, prejudice, and scandal. Whether truth and freedom will be found in such quarters, and by such means, time will show.

5.-Finally, this Appeal is a loud call for aid and co-operation on the part of persons of all parties and creeds:

"We call, then, most earnestly upon the free press, metropolitan and provincial, to afford their powerful assistance in disabusing the mind of the public, who know little or nothing comparatively of the real state of this hierarchy; we invite the notice of all parties of politicians to the existence of a priestly power, that is ready for the time and to the seeming, to coalesce with any, whilst it is silently working its way over them all, and above them all, and to the destruction of them all. We solicit the assistance, pecuniary and every other, of the friends of truth and liberty-the wise-the great-the good of all parties, who are bound to none, but God only, to enable us to carry to successful termination, a work which we have undertaken, not with any private aim, but for the public good; and in which we are resolved never to slacken, whatever the sacrifice we may be called upon personally to make, until having brought the subject before the whole British public in its courts of law and of equity, and of supreme legislation, and, lastly, before its most awful and all-determining tribunal-the tribunal of public opinion-it be seen what the truth is, and whether that truth shall stand or fall."

Whether this call will be obeyed, time must determine. We wish our friends to remark that this is what the Association consider liberty! They call upon the British public to come forward in any way they may think proper-by periodical attacks in the papers-pecuniary contributions, as well as counsel and co-operation-to aid them in breaking up our Connexion, or subduing it to their own views and authority. It is, they say, their intention to appeal to "the courts of law and equity," to the " supreme legislation," and to "the tribunal of public opinion." We thought they had appealed to the courts of law, and the tribunal of public opinion, already. One other resource remains for them-the supreme legislature. Let them go to Parliament, if they can find a member insane enough to advocate their views. Let them get a committee, or a commission, if they can; we are perfectly willing to submit our entire economy, government, objects, and proceedings to the inspection of the legislature. Indeed, our documents will afford full information, without such a supervision. Methodism is not a secret confederacy; it is open to the knowledge of all men; and, when the day of trial shall come, if sought and granted, it will be found that her constitution is one of the most useful systems of pious co-operation for doing good, which the providence of God ever gave to the world. In the mean time, we tell the Association, and know that we echo the sentiment of the great majority of the Wesleyan Societies, that, with whatever firmness and perseverance they determine to pursue their objects, they will be met by equal decision; that, if they can succeed in calling forth the assistance of the infidelity and radicalism of the nation, to hunt down the Wesleyan Societies, they will be met in calm defiance, with such weapons as truth and religion furnish; and,

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