Earlier, the Office and Professional Employees had reached agreement with General Dynamics' Fort Worth Division on a 5-year contract providing 8-cent-an-hour pay increases in each year. Ratified December 19, the agreement provided benefits similar to those in the Machinists' settlement. In addition, the maximum accrual under the sick leave plan was increased to 30 days and usage was broadened to include death in the employee's family. Previously, employees were paid for the unused portion of the annual accrual (5 days which was not changed). At Bendix Corporation's Kansas City, Mo., Division, some 3,600 Machinists returned to work on January 31 ending a strike that began on January 17. A 39-month agreement ratified on January 28 provided 10-cent-an-hour wage increases in January 1966, 1967, and 1968. The 6-cent cost-of-living allowance was incorporated into the base rates. The Friday after Thanksgiving and Christmas Eve were added as eighth and ninth paid holidays. Three weeks of paid vacation were provided after 10 years (instead of 15), with a fourth week established after 20 years. Vacation pay was increased one-half of 1 percent, to 52 percent of annual straight-time earnings after 10 years and 6 percent after 15-with 62 percent established for those with 20 years of service. Normal pension benefits were increased to $3 a month (from $2.80) for each year's credited service, insurance provisions were liberalized, and up to 3 days' paid funeral leave was established. A new 2-year agreement between the New York Lamp and Shade Manufacturers' Association and IBEW Local 3 was ratified on December 17. The contract affected about 3,000 employees of more than 100 member firms and provided two 72-cent increases the first effective on December 16, 1965, and the second a year later. The minimum wage was raised to $1.55 (from $1.50) with provision for an increase to $1.65 if the Federal minimum wage is raised to $1.50. The employers were to continue to pay full social security taxes for all workers. Agreement was reached in late December between Publicker Industries, Inc., and the Brewery Workers on a contract that provided a 25-cent wage increase over 3 years for 1,500 employees at plants in Philadelphia, Linfield, Marcus Hook, and Eddington, Pa. Before the settlement, hourly wages reportedly ranged from $2.14 for laborers to $3.43 for bottling machine mechanics, and aver aged $2.40. Wage increases of 6 percent to pieceworkers, 6 percent (minimum $3.50 a week) to time workers, and $5 a week to shipping clerks and cutters-all effective January 3—were provided for some 6,600 workers in New York by a 3-year contract negotiated in early January between the Associated Corset and Brassiere Manufacturers, Inc., and the Ladies' Garment Workers. Effective January 1. 1968, an additional 3 percent, $2, $3, and $2.50, respectively, was agreed to for these classifications. As in the past, piece rates were set to yield earnings at least 20 percent above the craft minimum, and provision was made to raise minimum rates if the Federal minimum hourly rate is increased. This year, however, the guaranteed differential between the Federal minimum and the minimum hourly contract rate for miscellaneous help was increased to 30 cents, from 15. Barring a further increase under the Fair Labor Standards Act, minimum hourly rates were to be increased to $1.85 an hour for operators and $1.55 for miscellaneous help, and minimum weekly rates to $68 for shipping clerks, to $90 for second-grade cutters, and to $100 for first-grade cutters and graders by January 1, 1968 (from $1.60, $1.43, $60, $76, and $86, respectively). A seventh paid holiday was provided to all workers (previously only shipping clerks had received 7 holidays; the remaining shipping employees and cutters received 62 days, and other employees, 6). The agreement was reportedly the first industrywide contract controlling expansion of production; a company opening new shops cannot reduce the volume of work or the number of workers in its existing shops, and its existing plants are to receive a share of any increase in business. The contract also provided for a reopening on wages subsequent to January 1, 1967, if the Consumer Price Index rises by 212 percent from the effective date of the agreement. Previous contracts contained such clauses but required a minimum rise of 5 percent over an equivalent period. The agreement conforms to the standards adopted at the union's last convention in May 1965. Under the "ILGW Guide on Agreement Provisions, Standards and Enforcement," contracts are limited to 2 years, except that they may extend to 3 years where provision is made for a second wage increase, not later than 2 years after the first. The contract also adhered to the guide requirement that craft minimums be related to earnings' minimums and to Federal and State legal minimums. In other negotiations with the Ladies' Garment Workers, five apparel associations agreed in late December or early January to a 22-percent wage increase under reopening clauses of contracts expiring December 31, 1966. Hourly minimums were to increase by 5 cents. The agreements, with the Industrial Association of Juvenile Apparel Manufacturers of New York City, the Industrial Association of Juvenile Apparel Manufacturers, Eastern Region, the New Jersey Apparel Contractors Association, the Children's Dress, Cotton Dress and Sportswear Contractors Association, and the Industrial Association of Housedress, Robe and Uniform Manufacturers, cover 15,000 workers in New York, York, New Jersey, and Connecticut. Other Developments On February 4, the Justice Department filed a civil suit in Federal District Court in St. Louis charging the AFL-CIO Building and Construction Trades Council of St. Louis and five member unions with violation of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by discriminating against Negroes. Government attorneys said this was the first such action against a labor organization. The suit charged interference with the performance of a Government contract. The unions were also accused of discriminating against Negroes in union membership and job opportunities. A court order was sought to permanently enjoin the unions from any action which would prevent or discourage the employment of Negroes in construction jobs. In a separate action, also initiated by the Justice Department, a U.S. District Judge, on February 7 issued a temporary injunction ordering the council and 4 of the 5 locals to end a secondary boycott against the contractor for the Gateway Arch Visitors' Center. Robert F. Hall, president of the Hoel-Steffen Construction Co., had testified that Federal officials indicated that the contract would be awarded only if he subcontracted the plumbing work to the E. Smith Plumbing Co., comprised of three Negroes who are members of Local 99 of the Congress of Independent Unions, a local whose 3 For the distribution a year ago, see Monthly Labor Review, March 1965, p. 322. membership is about 40-percent Negro. On January 7, when AFL-CIO members employed by Hoel-Steffen and other subcontractors were called to the site, they refused to report. The Cudahy Packing Co. announced that it would distribute more than $1 million in severance pay to some 900 eligible Packinghouse Workers who lost their jobs when the company closed its struck Omaha plant in April 1965. The employees have been offered the choice of transferring to other plants or departments, or receiving severance pay benefits, or early retirement. About 1,100 Packinghouse Workers were originally involved in the strike, which began in April 1965 when the company started a cost-cutting program. Cudahy reopened the plant in July with 360 production workers, then increased the work force to 500 in October. In January, the General Motors Corp., distributed $101,579,400 in company stock, Government bonds, and cash to 51,700 salaried employees. The distribution was the sixth in the company's savings-stock purchase program since its inception in 1955. Another 15,800 salaried employees left their assets worth more than $44 million-in trust under the plan. At about the same time, the Ford Motor Co., announced a similar distribution of about $13.8 million to 12,195 salaried employees. Another 13,750 employees elected to leave their assets, worth about $19.7 million, in trust. A strike by faculty members began January 3 at St. John's University of New York City, the largest Roman Catholic university in the Nation. The walkout was called by the St. John's chapter of the United Federation of College Teachers (UFCT) following the university's dismissal of 31 faculty members in December. The Rev. Peter O'Reilly, president of the St. John's chapter of the UFCT, was dismissed. Most of the others were also UFCT members. According to the Very Rev. Joseph T. Cahill, president of St. John's, the teachers were guilty of "unprofessional conduct" and had participated in "unauthorized demonstrations." Although the faculty initiated requests for improved working conditions, salaries, pensions, and tenure about 6 years earlier, the first open sign of the dispute was in March 1965, when about 200 faculty members walked out of a meeting called to discuss the issues. The then administration called in the Rev. Joseph T. Tinnelly, a special counsel to the Vincentian priests who own St. John's. Father Tinnelly and Dr. John J. Meng, then president of Hunter College, established a Faculty Planning Council, whose recommendations were to resolve the dispute. In accordance with the council's reports, the administration raised teachers' salaries but balked at establishing a senate (comprised of elected faculty members) that would have "complete" control over academic matters. Soon after the dismissal of the professors, the board of trustees approved the establishment of the senate. Throughout January, the union insisted that the dismissed faculty members be reinstated before discussions were resumed. Michael J. Quill, president of the Transport Workers, died on January 28, at the age of 60, 15 days after the settlement of a strike by his union that had paralyzed New York City for 12 days.* The 1966 strike was the only general work stoppage directed by the union leader, although he had threatened many during his leadership of the TWU. Mr. Quill, who was born in Ireland, was a change agent in the New York City subway system in 1934 when he and several coworkers formed a union for transit workers. He became president of the new labor organization in 1935 and held this post until his death. In 1937, the union received an international charter from the CIO. Mr. Quill was succeeded by the secretary-treasurer, Matthew Guinan. In January, Joseph Trerotola, secretary-treasurer of the Eastern Conference of Teamsters and an adherent of Teamster President James R. Hoffa, was elected president of New York Teamsters Joint Council 16, which has 168,000 members. Mr. Trerotola succeeds John J. O'Rourke, a longtime Hoffa opponent, who died December 6. On February 10, the Senate failed for the third time in an attempt to impose cloture limiting debate on an administration bill repealing section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act, which gives the States the option of passing laws banning union membership as a condition of employment. Similar attempts had failed, 2 days earlier and last October. The bill had cleared the House in July 1965. Sponsors indicated that no further attempts to bring it to the Senate floor would be made this year. 4 See Monthly Labor Review, February 1966, p. 190. Book Reviews and Notes Changing Teams The Assistant Secretaries: Problems and Processes These two studies, different in topic but complementary in substance, are the latest in the Brookings series concerning Federal administration and administrators. They are both worthwhile, and can be read with interest and profit by all students and practitioners of public administration. The Assistant Secretaries is an analysis of the background, recruitment, satisfactions and dissatisfactions, and effectiveness of over 100 key Federal political appointees who have served during the Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy administrations. Each was interviewed extensively, and was also rated by the agency heads and senior career officials with whom they served. Little variation between them was apparent by party or administration. Successful executives were recruited in about the same proportion from major occupational groups by all the administrations. Those with business backgrounds were roughly equal to the lawyers in administrative capability, but among the former group, bankers and financiers were thought considerably stronger than executives from manufacturing industries. Interestingly enough, the biggest single predictor of success was previous experience in government. Perhaps those who had been a part of the Federal bureaucracy in the past could undertake new government assignments with more assurance than those without such experience. Alternatively, the finding can be seen as a challenge to the view that government service produces men of little imagination and adaptability. The executives themselves accepted their positions for varied reasons, primarily those of patriotism or the challenge of public service, despite the deterrence of financial and career considerations. Few found that government service had adversely affected their careers, though many of their lives took a new direction after they left the government. Almost all found the work taxing but rewarding and were glad they had served. Changing Administrations deals with some of the same men, with the focus now upon them as they undertook new assignments during the transition from the Eisenhower to the Kennedy administration. This study of change in five executive departments and one administrative agency is burdened by its immense cast of characters. Nevertheless, certain general findings are clear. Those who were going out of office, despite their disappointment at the election results, generally did much to smooth the road for their successors. Key career service officials provided immensely important coordination and orientation: the new team, despite some initial doubts, found the careerists generally loyal and competent. Bureaucratic inertia or lack of enthusiasm were ordinarily no barrier to the implementation of new programs. Significantly, however, administrative reorganization had to be undertaken early; if not, the impetus was lost and the new administration sagged into the organizational mold of its predecessor. Power Tools -CHARLES M. REHMUS Department of Political Science University of Michigan Essays on Economic Policy: Volumes I and II. By Nicholas Kaldor. New York, W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1965. xxi, 293 pp. and xxii, 321 pp. $7.50 each. For more than three decades Professor Kaldor has been a leading contributor to economic theory and an important innovator in applied economics. Although his theories often have invited intellectual counterattacks and many of his policy schemes remain to be implemented, scholars and politicians alike have long taken serious heed of his brilliant logic, lucid exposition, and ingenious solutions for complex economic relationships and problems. These volumes, bringing together 24 of his essays, will disappoint no one in these respects. Complementing two earlier collections that dealt with theoretical issues (on value and distribution and stability and growth), they fully sample his many concerns over the years with a wide range of economic policies at national and international levels. Policymakers will not be dismayed by specialized jargon and mathematical technique, which are kept at a minimum. While all the essays are closely interrelated around the common theme of achieving sustained high-level economic activity, Professor Kaldor divides the two volumes into five parts (four to six essays each): Policies for Full Employment, Control of Inflation, The Problem of Tax Reform, Policies for International Stability, and Country Studies. Within each, the essays are presented chronologically, so that it is possible to follow closely his thoughts as they evolved and were amended over at least 6 years in the case of tax reform and as long as 20 years in the case of full employment. The earliest essay first appeared in 1935 ("Wage Subsidies as a Remedy for Unemployment") and the most recent in 1964 ("Dual Exchange Rates and Economic Development"). All but three, however, were written since 1950. In addition, Professor Kaldor provides highly informative introductions to each volume. For labor economists and others who focus on industrial relations systems, greatest interest will lie in the sections on full employment and inflation and in some of the essays dealing with tax policy and with specific nations, especially, "The Role of Taxation in Economic Development" and "Prospects of a Wages Policy for Australia." Keynesians will welcome the insistence upon the overriding importance of fiscal measures, the use of well-defined incomes policy (covering both wages and dividends), the desirability of creeping inflation, and the construction of supranational mechanisms for balancing trade payments. Less enthusiasm will come from adherents of neoclassical market analysis and money and credit theory, but Professor Kaldor does not completely brush them aside in his quest for government policies that will set the framework in the private sectors for speeding up technological innovation, increasing capital investment, and affecting wage structures for efficient labor allocation. What troubles Professor Kaldor is neither his analytical approach nor the appropriateness of his solutions although he feels we are still groping our way in the vexing field of international trade. Rather, it is the entrenchment of political power and the interplay of political interest groups upon policymakers-within and among nations-that are so intractable. For these problems, this reviewer would have appreciated something more than the few broad hints that he supplies about the nature of the political process involved, however, to have done so would have taken him far beyond depicting his contributions to policymaking as a professional economist. Even so, the essays are a convincing demonstration of the powerful tools at the economist's disposal for influencing policy formulation regarding the most universal and abiding of economic issues. -SOLOMON B. LEVINE University of Illinois The Price for Shorter Hours Hours of Work. Edited by Clyde E. Dankert, Floyd C. Mann, Herbert R. Northrup. New York, Harper & Row, Publishers, 1965. 208 pp. (Industrial Relations Research Association Publication 32.) $3.50. Not Shift Work: The Social, Psychological, and Physical Consequences. By Paul E. Mott, Floyd C. Mann, Quin McLoughlin, Donald P. Warwick. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1965. 351 pp., bibliography. $8.50. Even when short workdays and workweeks are achieved in limited situations, they tend to spill over into other situations by emulation and through similarities in product markets. many hours laws can be drafted so skillfully that they will adapt easily to the wide diversity of conditions encountered. The shift work issue dovetails into the hours controversey. Thus these two books are addressed to matters that hold promise for careful study and effective reporting. Many people are interested, many are affected, and the consequences reach far. Both books partially suc |