As to faction and sedition, sir, I will grant that in monarchical and aristocratical governments it generally arises from violence and oppression; but in democratical governments it always arises from the people's having too great a share in the government; for in all countries and in all governments, there always will be many factious and unquiet spirits, who can never be at rest either in power or out of power. When in power, they are never easy unless every man submits entirely to their direction; and when out of power, they are always working and intriguing against those that are in, without any regard to justice or to the interest of their country. In popular governments such men have too much game; they have too many opportunities for working upon and corrupting the minds of the people, in order to give them a bad impression of, and to raise discontents against those that have the management of the public affairs for the time; and these discontents then break out into seditions and insurrections. This, sir, would in my opinion be our misfortune if our parliaments were either annual or triennial. By such frequent elections there would be so much power thrown into the hands of the people as would destroy that equal mixture which is the beauty of our constitution. In short, our government would really become a democratical government, and might from thence very probably diverge into a tyrannical. There. fore in order to preserve our constitution, in order to prevent our falling under tyranny and arbitrary power, we ought to preserve that law which I really think has brought our constitution to a more equal mixture, and consequently greater perfection than it was ever in before that law took place.

As to bribery and corruption, sir, if it were possible to influence by such base means the majority of the electors of Great Britain to chuse such men as would probably give up their liberties, if it were possible to influence by such means a majority of the members of this house to consent to the establishment of arbitrary power,

I would readily allow that the calculations made by the gentlemen on the other side were just, and their inference true; but I am persuaded that neither of these is possible.

As the members of this house generally are, and must always be, gentlemen of fortune and figure in their country, is it possible to suppose that any of them could by a pension or a post be influenced to consent to the overthrow of our constitution, by which the enjoyment not only of what he got, but of what he before had, would be rendered altogether precarious? I will allow, sir, that with respect to bribery, the price must be higher or lower generally in proportion to the virtue of the man who is to be bribed; but it must likewise be granted, that the humour he happens to be in at the time, the spirit he happens to be endowed with, adds a great deal to his virtue. When no encroachments are made upon the rights of the people, when the people do not think themselves in any danger, there may be many of the elec tors, who by a bribe of ten guineas might be induced to vote for one candidate rather than another; but if the court were making any encroachments upon the rights of the people, a proper spirit would without doubt arise in the nation, and in such a case I am persuaded that none, or very few even of such electors, could be induced to vote for a court candidate ; no, not for ten times the sum,

There may, sir, be some bribery and corruption in the nation, I am afraid there will always be some: but it is no proof of it that strangers are sometimes chosen ; for a gentleman may have so much natural influence over a borough in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to choose any person he pleases to recommend; and if upon such recommendation they choose one or two of his friends, who are perhaps strangers to them, it is not from thence to be inferred that the two strangers were chosen their representatives by the means of bribery and corruption.

To insinuate, sir, that money may be issued from the public treasure for bribing elections, is really something

very extraordinary, especially in those gentlemen who know how many checks there are upon every shilling that can be issued from thence, and how regularly the money granted in one year for the public service of the nation, must always be accounted for the very next session in this house, and likewise to the other, if they have a mind to call for any such account. And as to the gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country gentlemen in having something else to depend on besides their own private fortunes, they have likewise many disadvantages. They are obliged to live here in London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater expence than gentlemen of equal fortunes who live in the country. This lays them under a very great disadvantage, with respect to the supporting their interest in the country. The country gentleman, by living among the electors, and purchasing the necessaries for his family from them, keeps up an acquaintance and correspondence with them, without putting himself to any extraordinary charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London, has no other way of keeping up an acquaintance or correspondence among his friends in the country, but by going down once or twice a year at a very extraordinary charge, and often without any other business; so that we may conclude a gentleman in office cannot, even in seven years, save much for distributing in ready money, at the time of an election; and I really believe, if the fact were narrowly inquired into, it would appear that the gentlemen in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any other set of gentlemen in the kingdom.

That there are ferments often raised among the people without any just cause, is what I am surprised to hear controverted, since very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation towards the latter end of the late queen's reign? and it is well known what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at least

confirmed, by an election coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation soon after his late majesty's accession? And if an election had then been allowed to come on while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal effects as the former; but thank God this was wisely provided against by the very law which is now wanted to be repealed.

It has indeed, sir, been said, that the chief motive for enacting that law now no longer exists. I cannot admit that the motive they mean was the chief motive, but even that motive is very far from having entirely ceased. Can gentlemen imagine, that in the spirit raised in the nation but about a twelvemonth since, jacobitism and disaffection to the present government had no share? Perhaps some who might wish well to the present establishment did co-operate, nay, I do not know but they were the first movers of that spirit; but it cannot be supposed that the spirit then raised should have grown up to such a ferment merely from a proposition which was honestly and fairly laid before a parliament, and left entirely to their determination. No, sir, the spirit was perhaps begun by those who are truly friends' to the illustrious family we have now upon the throne; but it was raised to a much greater height than I believe ever they designed, by jacobites, and such as are enemies to our present establishment, who though they never had a fairer opportunity of bringing about what they have so long and so unsuccessfully wished for, than that which had been furnished them by those who first raised that spirit. I hope the people have now in a great measure come to themselves, and therefore I doubt not but the next elections will shew that when they are left to judge coolly, they can distinguish between the real and the pretended friends to the government. But I must say, if the ferment then raised in the nation had not greatly subsided, I should have thought a new election a very dangerous experiment; and as such ferments

may hereafter often happen, I must think that frequent elections will always be dangerous: for which reason, in so far as I can see at present, I shall I believe at all times think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the septennial bill.

GEORGE (LORD) LYTTLETON,

(The eldest Son of Sir T. Lyttleton.)

Was born 1709, and died 1773. He distinguished himself both as a speaker and a writer. He appears (as far as I can understand,) to have been one of those men, who gain a high reputation not so much by deserving, as by desiring it; who are constantly going out of their way in search of fame, and therefore can scarcely miss it; who are led to seize on the shewy and superficial parts of science by an instinct of vanity, as the surest means of attracting vulgar applause; who by aiming at what is beyond them. do at least all that they are capable of; whose anxiety to distinguish themselves from others, serves them in the place of genius; and who obtain the good opinion of the public merely by shewing their deference to it. This character, it must be confessed, however, is generally united with sensibility and an elegant turn of mind, and is therefore entitled to some credit; for next to the possession of real excellence, I think we ought to respect the admiration of it, and the wish to possess it, or whatever in our power comes the nearest to it.

Mr. Lyttleton's Speech on the Prince's Marriage. Mr. Speaker,

THOUGH I have nothing to add to what has been said so well by other gentlemen, on this happy and agreeable occasion, yet as I think that nobody should be silent on a point to which nobody can be indifferent, I beg to be indulged in a few words, to declare with how muck pleasure I concur in the motion that has been made you. And indeed he must be void of all affection to the safety,