hitherto it hath not made the crown elective. And why must we fear it now? Neither do I apprehend that the passing of this bill is contrary to natural justice, because we have not heard what the duke hath to say for himself. The precedents that might be offered to make out, that the parliaments have, when they thought good, condemned persons by bill, are numerous, and without any hearing too. But if there were none, to doubt the power of the legislative authority of the nation in that or any other case, is to suppose such a weakness in our government, so inconsistent with the prudence of our ancestors, and common reason, as cannot well be imagined. And I do not think we are going to do any such strange thing neither, but what would be done in other countries upon the like occasion; but do believe, that if the dauphin of France, or the infant of Spain were protestants, and had, for near twenty years together, endeavoured the setting up of another interest and religion, contrary to the interest of those kings and the catholic religion; especially if such endeavours had been accompanied with such success as here, and those nations had been so often by such means reduced so near to ruin as we have been by divisions, tolerations, burnings, plots, and sham-plots at home, and by wars and foreign alliances, over-ruled in their favour, abroad; but that they would have been more impatient than we have been for this remedy. And, for my own part, I cannot but admire more at the long delay there hath been, in seeking out a remedy against this great evil, than at our offering at this bill. For, notwithstanding what hath been said, I cannot think our danger so re. mote or uncertain as some would suppose it. Can the king be safe, so long as the papists know that there is nothing but his life stands in their way, of having a king to their mind? which is the only thing they want, to go on with their designs, and to accomplish their expectations. Will it then be an easy thing to withstand such an enraged, barbarous people? The more false and un.

reasonable their religion is, the more cruelty will be necessary to establish it. Can it be imagined we shall not pay severely for having shed so much blood of their martyrs, as they call them, and for having enjoyed their holy church land so long? Or that they will not do all that they shall think necessary to secure an entire and quiet possession to themselves? For my own part, I cannot imagine that the pride of those churchmen will be satisfied with any thing less than an utter ruin and extirpation of us and our posterities. And I think that nothing can save us but this exclusion bill; and therefore I humbly move you to appoint a speedy day for a second reading.

LORD WILLIAM RUSSELL,

(Who is generally looked upon as one of the great martyrs of English liberty.)

Was born 1641, and beheaded 1683, on the same charge of treason on which Algernon Sidney was also condemned to suffer death.

Lord William Russell's Speech against a Popish
Successor.

Mr. Speaker,

If ever there should happen in this nation any such change, as that I should not have liberty to live a protestant, I am resolved to die one; and therefore would not willingly have the hands of our enemies strengthened, as I suppose they would be, if we should give money while we are sure it must go to the hands of the duke's creatures. Doth not the duke's interest endanger the king's life? And are not our lives and fortunes in danger

to be swallowed up by his power? And shall we yet make them stronger by putting money into their hands? No, sir! they are too strong already; but whenever his majesty shall be pleased to free us of the danger of a popish successor, and remove from his council and places of trust, all those that are for his interest; (because there can be no distinction made between the duke's interest and popish) then, sir, I will conclude, that what money we shall give, will be disposed of according to his majesty's own royal pleasure, and for the true protestant interest. And I shall be ready to give all I have in the world, if his majesty should have occasion for it; but in the mean time, I pray, sir, let us not endeavour to destroy ourselves, by our own hands. If we may not be so happy as to better the condition of the nation, I pray, sir, let us not make it worse. And, until the king shall be pleased to give us encouragement to express money, our duty and loyalty to him, by giving him us do it by making an address.

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EARL OF CAERNARVON.

The account of this speech is singular enough. "Among the speakers on this occasion was the earl of Caernarvon, who is said never to have spoken before; but having been heated with wine, and rallied by the duke of Buckingham on his never speaking, he said he would speak that very afternoon; and this having produced some wager between them, he went into the house with a resolution to speak on any subject that should offer itself. He accordingly stood up, and delivered himself to the following effect."

The Earl of Caernarvon's Speech on the Impeachment of Lord Danby.

My Lords,

I UNDERSTAND but little of Latin, but a good deal of English, and not a little of the English history; from

which I have learnt the mischiefs of such kind of prosecutions as these, and the ill fate of the prosecutors. I could bring many instances, and those very ancient, but, my lords, I shall go no farther back than the latter end of queen Elizabeth's reign: at which time the earl of Essex was run down by sir Walter Rawleigh. My lord Bacon, he ran down sir Walter Rawleigh; and your lordships know what became of my lord Bacon. The duke of Buckingham, he ran down my lord Bacon; and your lordships know what happened to the duke of Buckingham. Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards earl of Strafford, ran down the duke of Buckingham; and you all know what became of him. Sir Henry Vane, he ran down the earl of Strafford; and your lordships know what became of sir Henry Vane. Chancellor Hyde, he ran down sir Henry Vane; and your lordships know what became of the chancellor. Sir Thomas Osborn, now earl of Danby, ran down chancellor Hyde; but what will become of the earl of Danby, your lordships best can tell. But let me see that man that dare run the earl of Danby down, and we shall soon see what will become of him.

[This being pronounced with a remarkable humour and tone, the duke of Buckingham, both surprised and disappointed, after his way, cried out, The man is inspired! and claret has done the business.]

ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER.

Was born at Winborn, in Dorsetshire, in 1621, and died 1683. In 1640, he was chosen member for Tewksbury. In 1672, he was created earl of Shaftesbury, and appointed lord chancellor. This office he did not long retain, as he was a man of fiery passions, turbulent, violent, and self-willed; and was constantly opposing the schemes and measures of whatever party he was connected with. He is the person described by Dryden under the character of Achitophel. There is an instance recorded of his great sagacity, which carries the prophetic spirit of common sense as far as it can go. It is

said that he had been to dine with lady Clarendon and her daughter, who was at that time privately married to the duke of York; and as he returned home with another nobleman who had accompa nied him, he suddenly turned to him, and said, " Depend upon it, the duke has married Hyde's daughter." His companion could not comprehend what he meant; but on explaining himself, he said, "Her mother behaved to her with an attention and a marked respect, that is impossible to account for in any other way; and I am sure of it." This shortly afterwards proved to be the case. The celebrated author of The Characteristics was his grandson.

Lord Shaftesbury's Speech on the State of the Nation. My Lords,

In this great debate concerning the king's speech, the sad state and condition we are in, and the remedies thereof, I have offered you my opinion; and many lords have spoken admirably well to it, with great freedom and plainness, as the case requires. Give me leave to offer you some few words, in answer to two or three of my lords of the earl's bench, that have maintained the contrary opinion. My lord, near me, hath told your lordships, that the precedent of Henry IV. that I offered to you, (who was a wise and magnanimous prince, yet, upon the addresses of his parliament, put away great part of his family and council at one time.) is no proper instance; because he was an usurper, and had an ill title, and was bound to please the people. My lords, I meddle not with his title; I am sure our king has a very undoubted one: but this, my lords, you must allow; that that wise prince, having need of the people, knew no better way to please them, and to create a good understanding between them and him, than to put away from court and council, those that were unacceptable to them. If our king hath the same necessity to please the people, (though not the want of a title,) yet the precedent holds good, That a wise prince, when he hath need of his people, will rather part with his family and

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