So long as my lord of Somerset stood in state of grace, and had by his majesty's favour the trust of the signet seal, he oft would glory justly, that there passed neither to himself or his friends any long grants of his highness's lands or pensions. For of that which himself had, he paid 20,000l. towards the marriage portion of the king's daughter. His care was to pass no monopoly or illegal grant; and that some members of this house can witness by his charge unto them. No giving way to the sale of honours, as a breach upon the nobility (for such were his own words,) refusing sir John Roper's office, then tendered, to procure him to be made a baron. The match with Spain then offered, (and with condition to require no further toleration in religion than ambassadors here are allowed) he, discovering the double dealing and the danger, dissuaded his majesty from; and left him so far in distrust of the faith of that king, and his great instrument, Gondomar, then here residing, that his majesty did term him long time after a Juggling Jack. Thus stood the effect of his power with his majesty when the clouds of his misfortune fell upon him. What the future advices led in, we may well remember. The marriage with Spain was again renewed; Gondomar declared an honest man; popery heartened, by employing suspected persons for conditions of conveniency; the forces of his majesty in the Palatinate withdrawn, upon Spanish faith improved here and believed, by which his highness's children have lost their patrimony, and more money been spent in fruitless ambassages than would have maintained an army fit to have recovered that country; our old and fast allies disheartened by that tedious and dangerous treaty; and the king our now master exposed to so great a peril, as no wise and faithful council would ever have advised: errors in government, more in misfortune by weak councils than in princes.

The loss of the country of Poyntou in France, was laid to bishop Wickham's charge in the first of Richard

II. for persuading the king to forbear sending aid when it was required; a capital crime in Parliament. The loss of the duchy of Maine was laid to De la Pole, duke of Suffolk, (28 Henry VI.) in singly and unwisely treating of a marriage in France. A Spanish treaty lost the Palatinate whose counsel hath pronounced so great power to the Spanish agent (as never before) to effect freedom to so many priests as have been of late, and to become a solicitor almost in every tribunal for the illaffected subjects, of the state, is worth the inquiry.

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What grants of impositions, before crossed, have lately been complained of in parliament ? as that of alehouses, gold thread, intermitted customs, and many more, the least of which would have (50 Edward III.) been adjudged in parliament a heinous crime, as well as those of Lyon and Latimer. The duke of Suffolk, in the time of Henry VI. in procuring such another grant, in derogation of the common law, was adjudged in parliament.

The gift of honours, kept as the most sacred treasure of the state, now set to sale. Parliaments have been suitors to the king to bestow those graces, as in the times of Edward III. Henry IV. and Henry VI. More now led in by that way only, than all the merits of the best deservers have got these last 500 years. So tender was the care of elder times, that it is an article (28 Henry VI.) in parliament against the duke of Suffolk, that he had procured for himself and some few others, such titles of honour, and those so irregular, that he was the first that was ever earl, marquis, and duke, of the self same place. Edward I. restrained the number, in policy, that would have challenged a writ by tenure: and how this proportion may suit with the profit of the state, we cannot tell. Great deserts have now no other recompence than costly rewards from the king; for we are now at a vile price of that which was once inestimable. If worthy persons have been advanced freely to places of greatest trust, I shall be glad. Spencer was

condemned in the 14 Edward II. for displacing good servants about the king, and putting in his friends and followers, nor leaving either in the church or commonwealth, a place to any, before a fine was paid unto him for his dependence. The like in part was laid by parliament on De la Pole. It cannot but be a sad hearing unto us all, what my lord treasurer lately told us of his majesty's great debts, high engagements, and present wants; the noise whereof I wish may ever rest inclosed within these walls. For, what an encouragement it may be to our enemies, and a disheartening to our friends, I cannot tell. The danger of those (if any, they have been the cause) is great and fearful. It was no small motive to the parliament, in the time of Henry III. to banish the king's half brethren for procuring to themselves so large proportion of crown lands. Gaveston and Spencer, for doing the like for themselves and their followers in the time of Edward II. and the lady Vessy, for procuring the like for her brother Beaumont, was banished the court. Michael De la Pole was condemned (10 Richard II.) in parliament, amongst other crimes, for procuring lands and pensions from the king, and having employed the subsidies to other ends than the grant intended. His grand-child, William duke of Suffolk, for the like was censured. (28 Henry VI.) The great bishop of Winchester (50 Edward III.) was put upon the king's mercy by parliament, for wasting in time of peace the revenues of the crown, and gifts of the people, to the yearly oppression of the commonwealth. Offences of this nature were urged, to the ruining of the last duke of Somerset, in the time of Edward VI. More fearful examples may be found too frequent in records. Such improvidence and ill counsel led Henry III. into so great a strait, as after he had pawned some part of his foreign territories, broke up his house, and sought his diet at abbeys and religious houses, engaged not only his own jewels, but those of VOL. I.

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the shrine of St. Edward at Westminster, he was in the end not content, but constrained to lay to pawn (as some of his successors after did) magnam

coronam

Anglia, the crown of England. To draw you out to the life the image of former kings' extremities, I will tell you what I found since this assembly at Oxford, written by a reverend man, twice vice-chancellor of this place; his name was Gascoign; a man that saw the tragedy of De la Pole. He tells you, that the revenues of the crown were so rent away by ill counsel, that the king was enforced to live de tallagio populi; that the king was grown in debt quinque centena millia librarum ; that his great favorite, in treating of a foreign marriage had lost his master a foreign duchy; that to work his ends, he had caused the king to adjourn the par. liament in villis et remotis partibus regni, where few people propter defectum hospitii et victualium, could attend; and by shifting that assembly from place to place, to inforce (I will use the author's own words) illos paucos qui remanebant de communitate regni, concedere regi quamvis pessima. When the parliament endeavoured by an act of resumption, the just and fre quent way to repair the languishing state of the crown (for all from Henry III. but one, till the 6 Henry VIII. have used it), this great man told the king it was ad dedecus regis, and forced him from it: to which the commons answered, although vexati laboribus et exs pensis nunquam concederent taxam regi, until by authority of parliament resumeret actualiter omnia per tinentia corona Angliæ; and that it was magis ad dedecus regis, to leave so many poor men in intolerable want, to whom the king stood then indebted. Yet nought could all good counsel work, until by parliament that bad man was banished; which was no sooner done, but an act of resumption followed the inrollment a speeding of the act of his exilement. That was article against the bishop of Winchester and his brother,

in the time of Edward III. that they had engrossed the person of the king from his other lords. It was not forgotten against Gaveston and Spencer, in the time of Edward II. The unhappy ministers of Richard II. Henry VI. and Edward VI. felt the weight, to their ruin, of the like errors. I hope we shall not complain in parliament again of such.

I am glad we have neither just cause or undutiful dispositions to appoint the king a counsel to redress those errors in parliament, as those 42 Henry III. We do not desire as 5 Henry IV. or 29 Henry VI. the removing from about the king any evil counsellors: we do not request a choice by name, as 14 Edward II. 3, 5, 11, Richard II. 8 Henry IV. or 31 Henry VI. nor to swear them in parliament, as 35 Edward I. 9 Edward II. or 5 Richard II. or to line them out their directions of rule, as 43 Henry III. and 6 Henry VI. or desire that which Henry III. did promise in his 42d. year, se acta omnia per assensum magnatum de concilio suo electorum et sine corum assensu nihil; we only in loyal duty offer up our humble desires, that since his majesty hath with advised judgment elected so wise, religious, and worthy servants, to attend him. in that high employment, he will be pleased to advise with them together a way of remedy for these disasters. in the state, brought on by long security and happy peace, and not be led with young and single counsel.