63

plete disarmament. The Soviet resumption of atmospheric testing has increased the urgency which attaches to the signature of a complete treaty test ban. Complex negotiation on general disarmament should not be permitted to delay the achievement of this significant step

forward.

I would emphasize again my regret that the Soviet Union has rejected the offer of the United Kingdom and the United States Government to halt atmospheric tests creating fallout.6*

Only after a searching review of vital U.S. security interests and after the utmost provocation did we announce our intent to resume underground tests.65 The non-aligned nations may be assured of our continued willingness to negotiate an effective treaty; but, meanwhile, the national security interests of our country and of our Allies in the Free World must be protected. The United States looks forward to full consideration of the test ban issue in the forthcoming United Nations General Assembly which we hope will move the Soviet Union to abandon its opposition to effective controls and toward acceptance of a test ban agreement.

The United States is pleased to note that the participants in the recent conference in Belgrade mentioned the importance of an effective system of inspection and control. This is the crux of the matter. It is clear from United States proposals in the nuclear test negotiations that the United States contemplates inspection and control procedures in the disarmament field in which the non-aligned countries, as well as others, would participate.

For some months the United States has been conducting an intensive study of the problem of general disarmament which resulted in a request to Congress to create a disarmament agency.66 The study has also resulted in the development of a comprehensive plan for general and complete disarmament which is in the final stage of preparations for public presentation. This plan provides for a program which will insure that the disarmament is general and complete; that war is no longer an instrument for settling international disputes; and that disarmament is accompanied by the creation of reliable procedures for peaceful settlement of disputes and maintenance of peace in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter.

The American commitment to these objectives goes deep. Our colleagues in the world community will not find us faint-hearted in this cause.

Talks between the United States and the Soviet Union resumed September 6 in New York in a further effort to bring the two sides closer together and to work out a satisfactory disarmament forum.68 The proposals put forth by the United States by these talks provide for participation of non-aligned countries in future broad disarma

63 See post, doc. 581.

See post, doc. 587. 65 See post, doc. 585. 6 See post, doc. 549. 67 See post, doc. 564. 69 See post, doc. 561.

ment negotiations. They also provide for negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations if the Soviet Union will agree. The United States believes the General Assembly will have an opportunity to go into the matter since a Committee of the Whole exists in the form of the Disarmament Commission, which can be convened at any time.69

In conclusion, let me say, Mr. Preident, that we found elements in the message and in the Declaration which reflected a genuine desire to bring about a relaxation of tensions and which, if applied in a truly neutral and objective manner, could be of positive benefit in easing world tensions.

We respect, as always, the desire of other nations to remain nonaligned. We understand with sympathy and share their passion for peace. We are, as always, prepared to cooperate with all initiatives to bring about an improvement in the world situation. We look forward to continued friendly relations with the governments and peoples participating in the Belgrade meeting.

274. UNITED STATES SUGGESTION OF RUSK-GROMYKO PRIVATE TALKS "FOR THE EXPLORATION OF CONSTRUCTIVE STEPS TOWARD A REDUCTION OF TENSION": Statement Made by the President (Kennedy), the White House, September 13, 1961 70

We have welcomed the visit of President Sukarno and President Keita on behalf of the nations which recently met in Belgrade, because we have viewed with growing concern the heightening tension in world affairs. Statesmen everywhere have an urgent responsibility to make every effort to preserve the peace and to solve their differences by peaceful means. This can be done if all approach these differences with full understanding of the rights, obligations, and vital interests of others.

The situation in Berlin is filled with danger. I have made it clear that the position of the West and of the West Berliners will be defended. I have also made it clear that we are ready to discuss these matters with other governments, including the Government of the Soviet Union, and to search for the means to preserve an honorable peace. If that is the purpose on all sides, there is no need for resort to force.

The Foreign Ministers of the Western Powers are meeting in Washington tomorrow. Next week the Secretary of State will head the United States delegation to the General Assembly of the United Nations. We understand that Foreign Minister Gromyko will also

See U.N. General Assembly Res. 1252 D (XIII) of Nov. 4, 1958; text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1958, pp. 1299–1301.

70 White House press release dated Sept. 13, 1961 (text as printed in the Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 2, 1961, pp. 540-541). The President's statement was made following the presentation of his letters to Presidents Keita and Sukarno, supra.

Doc. 274

be present. This will provide an opportunity for serious talks about Germany and other problems if the Soviet side proves willing. The channels of diplomacy are open for the exploration of constructive steps toward a reduction of tension. Other means are available when they can serve a useful purpose. Meanwhile, it is clearly of the utmost importance that there be no unilateral acts which will make peaceful progress impossible.

275. SOVIET AGREEMENT TO THE PROPOSED RUSKGROMYKO PRIVATE TALKS: Statement by the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Issued September 14, 1961 71

President John Kennedy of the United States declared on Sept. 13 that the United States was ready to enter into serious talks with the Soviet Union on the German and other problems if the Soviet side would show such a desire." He remarked that an opportunity for such talks would be provided in connection with the arrival in New York of the United States Secretary of State and the Foreign Minister of the U.S.S.R. for the sixteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly.

On the same day the British Foreign Office welcomed this statement made by the United States President.

In view of the aforesaid desire of the Government of the United States and President Kennedy personally, and taking into consideration the positive attitude to this proposal of the Government of the United Kingdom, the Ministry of [Foreign] Affairs of the U.S.S.R. is authorized to state that Andrei Gromyko, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. who will head the Soviet delegation to the sixteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly, is ready to enter into a relevant exchange of opinions with Dean Rusk, the Secretary of State of the United States.

The Soviet Government proceeds from the assumption, as its head Nikita Khrushchev emphasized more than once, that the sides will display a serious attitude to the talks and will jointly search for a solution of the problem of the conclusion of a German peace treaty and a settlement on its basis of the situation in West Berlin.

Such is the Soviet Government's reply to the statement by the President of the United States and the British Foreign Office.

276. "WE ARE READY FOR TALKS ANY TIME, ANY PLACE AND AT ANY LEVEL": Letter From the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. (Khrushchev) to the Prime Minister of India (Nehru), September 16, 1961 (Excerpts) 73

ESTEEMED MR. PRIME MINISTER,

I have studied with close attention and interest the letter from the recently ended conference of the heads of state and government of 25 nonaligned nations."

74

Issued by the Soviet news agency Tass (text as printed in Documents on Germany, 1944–1961, pp. 795–796).

72 See supra.

73 Soviet Embassy (Washington) press release No. 201, Sept. 22, 1961 (text as printed in Documents on Germany, 1944-1961, pp. 797–800).

Text identical with that of the conference letter to President Kennedy, ante, doc. 271.

and I am deeply touched that you took the trouble to bring it to Moscow and deliver it to me in person. I express heartfelt gratitude to all the distinguished conference participants for this letter.

It is gratifying that the views of the Soviet Government on the present world situation coincide in many respects with the considerations set forth in the letter from the conference participants. I was also favorably impressed by the other conference documents full of concern for the destiny of the world.

In their letter the participants in the conference of noncommitted nations urge negotiation between the Great Powers to remove the danger of war. In particular they suggest direct talks between the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers and the President of the United States of America.

What can one say to that? You know, of course, that the Soviet Union has always stood for a negotiated settlement of outstanding issues. Naturally now too we believe that talks between states, especially between the USSR and the United States, as the mightiest and most influential countries, can and must play an important role in cleansing the international atmosphere. In the name of ensuring peace we are ready for talks any time, any place and at any level.

The need has been ripe for a long time for statesmen of nations which fought against Hitler Germany to sit down at a peace conference table and together with representatives of both German states, in a calm atmosphere, without stirring up passions, work out a peace treaty which would quench the smoldering embers left after the world conflagration which raged a decade and a half ago. These do exist, and not just anywhere but in the center of Europe from which spread that conflagration in whose flames tens of millions of people perished. We Soviet people, better than anyone else, know what this tragedy cost and how many human lives it took.

It goes without saying that negotiations on mature international problems are needed, and we have said so on more than one occasion. But they are needed not for the sake of negotiations. Bitter experience has taught us to speak about this straight. Talks would be useful only if the statesmen were to go to these talks with a serious desire and readiness to achieve agreement which would represent a basis for strengthening peace. The participants in the talks must have courage to face reality and clearly realize that no one can turn the tide of events which reflect the natural development of human society.

One has to speak about this because some Western leaders are not averse to striking attitudes even when most serious matters are at stake: Just look at us, how we don't let ourselves listen to reason. Is it not a fact that certain Western leaders keep interspersing their statements with utterances to the effect that they are holding tough positions and savor this word "tough" in every way.

We, on the other hand, believe that leaders invested with the trust of the peoples, like helmsmen, must look forward, clearly seeing the way their ships of state take, and in any case should try to see that way and avoid hidden dangers and reefs. Is it not a fact that even a good beginning can take different turns. Negotiations can plot a dependable channel through which these ships will confidently sail into calmer waters and avoid the gathering storm. But negotiations, if one dooms them to failure in advance and repeats the incantation about the need for a tough position-as certain politicians, in Bonn for example, are doing-can run the ships of state aground on reefs and bring calamity upon the peoples.

I want you to get me right. The Soviet Government is ready to take part in negotiations which would really be aimed at the speediest solution of pressing international problems; in the first place in a peace conference on the question of concluding a German peace treaty and normalizing the situation in West Berlin on this basis. It is convinced that the sooner such serious negotiations start, the better. It would be an expression of great statesmanship if such a treaty were concluded on an agreed basis at the earliest date.

To strengthen peace and normalize the situation in Europe and throughout the world, it would be a good thing if other countries which have not yet

recognized both German states-the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany-would recognize them de jure, establish relations with them. The admission of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany to the United Nations would serve the same purpose. All this would raise a serious barrier to the revenge-seeking circles in West Germany which, as is known, are rallying forces to change the conditions which have arisen since World War II. The entry of both German states into the United Nations and the establishment of relations with them would fix the situation which exists in Germany, and that would be a great contribution to the cause of strengthening world peace.

Allow me, Mr. Prime Minister, to express once more satisfaction over the efforts which you personally, together with leading statesmen of other noncommitted nations, are making to cleanse the international atmosphere. I should like to assure you that, faithful to its policy of peace, the Soviet Government, for its part, will continue to spare no efforts to enable the peoples to live without fear of war, in conditions of peace and prosperity.

277. FOUR-POWER

IF

AGREEMENT "TO ASCERTAIN THERE EXISTS A REASONABLE BASIS FOR NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE SOVIET UNION": Communiqué Issued at Washington by the Foreign Ministers of France (Couve de Murville), the United Kingdom (Lord Home), the United States (Rusk), and the Federal Republic of Germany (Von Brentano), September 16, 1961 75

The Foreign Ministers of France, the United Kingdom, the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany met in Washington September 15 and 16. This meeting represents a further step in the process of continuing consultation among the Four Powers, designed to coordinate policies and actions to meet Soviet threats.

76

The Ministers discussed the dangerous heightening of world tension brought about since their last meeting by Soviet unilateral actions in Berlin, such as those of August 13, and by the Soviet decision to resume extensive nuclear testing in the atmosphere." The Ministers reviewed the progress reports submitted to them on the political, economic and military measures which the Four Powers are undertaking to meet the situation.

The Ministers agreed that a peaceful solution to the problem of Germany and Berlin can be achieved if both sides are prepared to undertake discussions which take account of the rights and interests of all concerned. They agreed that an effort should be made to ascertain if there exists a reasonable basis for negotiations with the Soviet Union.

This meeting will be followed by the normal process of consultation in the North Atlantic Council.

75 Department of State press release No. 637 (text as printed in the Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 2, 1961, pp. 545-546).

76 See ante, docs. 250-251 and 257.

77 See post, doc. 581.