Union will do the same and stop its tests, there is no reason why a treaty with effective controls cannot be signed in 30 days and this suicidal business ended before it ends us.

But, I repeat, unless a treaty can be signed and signed promptly, the United States has no choice but to prepare and take the action necessary to protect its own security and that of the world community.

I trust that this expression of hope for the triumph of reason will convey some measure of the depth of our feeling about the subject and of our desire to do our share to save the human race from a greater menace than the plagues which once ravaged Europe. We believe we have done our share and more, ever since the United States proposals of 1946.27 I remind you that, if those proposals had been accepted by the Soviet Union, no state would now have nuclear weapons and we would now not be engaged in such a perilous crisis.

28

I have claimed the privilege of making this declaration for the United States because few delegates, I dare say, feel more deeply about this matter than I do, in part, perhaps, because I proposed that nuclear tests be stopped almost 6 years ago and lost a great many votes in the 1956 presidential election as a result. Had the nuclear powers agreed even then, think how much safer and healthier the world would be today.

I pray we do not lose still another chance to meet the challenge of our time and stop this death dance.

So, at the risk of repetition, let me state again the position of the United States. The Soviet nuclear test series which began September 1 is approaching its announced conclusion. While thorough analysis of the Soviet tests will require some time, it is already completely clear that the Soviet tests will intensify competition in the development of more and more deadly nuclear weapons. Thus these tests have increased the possibility of ultimate disaster for all of mankind.

There is only one safe and sure way to stop nuclear weapons tests and to stop them quickly. That is to conclude a treaty prohibiting all nuclear weapons tests under effective controls.

In the last 3 years the negotiations at Geneva made significant progress toward such a treaty. The United States is still willing and eager to resume these negotiations. If in this fateful moment all three countries involved will really devote their skills and ingenuity to achieve agreement, not evasion, deceit, and equivocation, there is, I say, no reason why a nuclear test ban treaty with effective controls cannot be signed within 30 days.

United States negotiators are ready to sit down at the table with Soviet and British representatives for this purpose. But until there is a treaty and tests can be stopped, the United States, as a responsible nation, must prepare to take all steps necessary to protect its own security.

"The so-called Baruch proposals of June 14, 1946; text in A Decade of American Foreign Policy: Basic Documents, 1941-1949, pp. 1079-1087.

*Reference to Mr. Stevenson's Sept. 5, 1956, address before the American Legion Convention.

Mr. Chairman, an uninspected moratorium will only lead the world once again into the morass of confusion and deceit. A test ban treaty is the path to peace.

If the Soviet Union really wants to stop nuclear testing, we challenge it to join us now in signing a test ban treaty.

596. THE NEED FOR INTENSIFIED STUDY OF THE EFFECTS OF ATOMIC RADIATION: Resolution 1629 (XVI), Adopted by the U.N. General Assembly, October 27, 1961 29

The General Assembly,

I

Deeply concerned that as a result of the renewed discharge into the earth's environment of radio-active debris there have been sharp increases in the levels of radio-active fall-out in many parts of the world,

Fearful that the prolonged exposure of mankind to increasing levels of radio-active fall-out would constitute a growing threat to this and future generations,

Recognizing the great importance of the contribution made by the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation 30 in the study of the extent and nature of this hazard,

1. Declares that both concern for the future of mankind and the fundamental principles of international law impose a responsibility on all States concerning actions which might have harmful biological consequences for the existing and future generations of peoples of other States, by increasing the levels of radio-active fall-out;

2. Approves the annual progress report of the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation 31 and draws particular attention to the Committee's view that the resumption of nuclear test explosions since the publication of its last comprehensive report increases the urgency for the intensification of relevant scientific studies;

3. Expresses appreciation for the valuable information on radioactive contamination, radiation levels and radio-biological questions which has been furnished to the Scientific Committee by Member States, the specialized agencies, the International Atomic Energy Agency, the International Commission on Radiological Protection and the International Commission on Radiological Units and Measure

29

"U.N. General Assembly Official Records, Sixteenth Session, Supplement No. 17 (A/5100), pp. 9-10. This resolution, sponsored by the representatives of 25 member states, was adopted by a vote of 74 (including the U.S.) to 0, with 17 abstentions.

30 Established under U.N. General Assembly Res. 913 (X) of Dec. 3, 1955; text in American Foreign Policy, 1950–1955: Basic Documents, pp. 2840-2841. 31 U.N. doc. A/4881.

ments, in compliance with General Assembly resolutions 1376 (XIV) of 17 November 1959 32 and 1574 (XV) of 20 December 1960;

33

4. Reaffirms the desirability of continuing full international co-operation through the Scientific Committee and interchanges of the results and experience of research conducted at the national level, so that man's knowledge of the hazards of radiation will constantly improve and in particular so that the second comprehensive report to be presented in 1962 by the Committee will be as scientifically authoritative and informative as possible;

5. Invites countries wishing to do so to take advantage of the offers of laboratory facilities which have been made by Member States, the World Health Organization and the International Atomic Energy Agency for the analysis of samples of air, water, bone, soil and food collected in their territories, as envisaged in section IV of resolution 1376 (XIV);

6. Requests the Scientific Committee to examine the possibility of accelerating its second comprehensive report and to consider at the earliest possible time whether the facts at its disposal call for the submission of an interim report;

II

Noting that, in accordance with procedures and practices established by the World Meteorological Organization, the countries of the world have for many years operated a system for the routine reporting of atmospheric conditions from a world-wide network of meteorological stations for the prompt dissemination of these reports by telegraphic and other means,

1. Invites the World Meteorological Organization, in consultation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation, as necessary, to examine urgently the feasibility of extending the present meteorological reporting system to include measurements of atmospheric radioactivity with the following aims in mind:

(a) To ensure that reliable and standardized measurements of atmospheric radio-activity are made at a world-wide network of stations;

(b) To ensure the day-to-day exchange of this information by telegraphic and other means with a view to its prompt reception at appointed national centres;

(c) To ensure that national and/or international arrangements be made for these observations to be stored as permanent records of atmospheric radio-activity and to be published in appropriate forms at suitable intervals:

2. Invites the World Meteorological Organization to implement the above-mentioned scheme, if found feasible, at the earliest possible date.

* Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1959, pp. 1350–1351. Text ibid., 1960, pp. 757-758.

597. UNITED NATIONS APPEAL TO THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT NOT TO EXPLODE THE FIFTY-MEGATON BOMB: Resolution 1632 (XVI), Adopted by the U.N. General Assembly, October 27, 1961 34

The General Assembly,

Seized of the question of halting nuclear weapons tests,

Solemnly appeals to the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to refrain from carrying out its intention to explode in the atmosphere a 50-megaton bomb before the end of this month.

598. "AT 3:30 THIS MORNING THE SOVIET UNION DETONATED A VERY LARGE NUCLEAR DEVICE": Statement Issued by the White House, October 30, 1961 35

At 3:30 this morning the Soviet Union detonated a very large nuclear device. Preliminary evidence indicates that its magnitude is on the order of 50 megatons. The explosion took place in the atmosphere. It will produce more radioactive fallout than any previous explosion.

The Soviet explosion was a political rather than a military act. The device exploded does not add in effectiveness against military targets to nuclear weapons now available both to the Soviet Union and the United States. It does not affect the basic balance of nuclear power. Any such weapon would be primarily a mass killer of people in war, and the testing of this device primarily an incitement to fright and panic in the cold war.

In undertaking this test the Soviet Union has deliberately overridden the expressed hope of the world as stated in the resolution adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on October 27.36 It has done so because it intends through this display to spread such fear across the world that peaceloving men will accept any Soviet demand. Fear is the oldest weapon in history. Throughout the life of mankind it has been the resort of those who could not hope to prevail by reason and persuasion. It will be repelled today. as it has been repelled in the past, not only by the steadfastness of free men but by the power of the arms which men will use to defend their freedom.

There is no mystery about producing a 50-megaton bomb. Nor is there any technical need for testing such a weapon at full-scale detonation in order to confirm the basic design. The United States Government considered this matter carefully several years ago and con

34U.N. General Assembly Official Records, Sixteenth Session, Supplement No. 17 (A/5100), p. 3. This resolution, sponsored by the Representatives of Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Iran, Japan, Norway, Pakistan, and Sweden, was adopted by a vote of 87 (including the U.S.) to 11, with 1 abstention.

35 White House press release dated Oct. 30, 1961 (text as printed in the Department of State Bulletin, Nov. 20, 1961, p. 844).

36 Supra.

cluded that such weapons would not provide an essential military capability. The existing United States nuclear arsenal is superior in quantity and quality to that of any other nation. The United States today has ample military power to destroy any nation which would unleash thermonuclear war.

We have no wish ever to use this military power. We are ready, now as ever, to sign the test ban treaty proposed at Geneva.37 We are ready, now as ever, to negotiate a treaty for general and complete disarmament. In the meantime we will continue to take whatever measures are necessary to preserve the security of our country and of others who count on us.

599. UNITED STATES OPPOSITION TO AN UNINSPECTED, UNCONTROLLED MORATORIUM ON NUCLEAR TESTING: Statement Made by the U.S. Representative (Dean) in Committee I of the U.N. General Assembly, November 1, 1961 (Excerpt) 38

As is well known, the United States favours a nuclear test ban treaty having as its objective the banning of all nuclear weapons tests in all environments, under effective international treaty control. We believe that only under such a treaty along the lines of the draft document A/4772, which the United Kingdom and the United States proposed at Geneva and which has been circulated to all delegations here, can all States be assured that the obligation to discontinue nuclear tests in all environments is being observed.

The actual negotiation and signing of such a treaty should not take long if the Soviet Union would abandon its insistence on including or merging such negotiations in general and complete disarmament. As soon as the nuclear test ban matters are completed, we are for pressing forward with serious discussion of general and complete disarmament. But, as I am sure every member of this Committee knows, the complex matter of disarmament will take some time and involve much study and consideration of the various proposals, including the proposals put forward in the United States far-reaching plan on general and complete disarmament presented to this Assembly on 25 September by President Kennedy, which far transcends any other general and complete disarmament proposal ever presented to this body.

I would like to be very clear and explicit. The foreign policy of the United States of America is formulated by the President of the United States, and with President Kennedy's complete approval I now state to this Committee the following: Despite the Soviet current series of nuclear tests in the atmosphere, which are still continuing, the United Kingdom and the United States are still prepared to sign

Cited as an unnumbered title, ante, p. 1128.

28 U.N. doc. A/C.1/PV.1183, pp. 42-56 (text as printed in Documents on Disarmament, 1961, pp. 559–566).

Cited as an unnumbered title, ante, p. 1128.

40 Ante, doc. 564.