embarked on a systematic campaign to eradicate Tibetan Buddhism, and even the Tibetan race.

Such are the conclusions drawn by the International Committee of Jurists whose report was published in August 1960.79 It is an ugly story. But it has the ring of truth, and we all owe a great debt to the eminent jurists of many nations who had the courage to write this truth as they found it. And if anyone is inclined to doubt this story, let him reflect that it is tragically confirmed by the flight of more than 75,000 Tibetans who chose the outside world, of which they knew nothing, rather than submit to so-called "liberation" and "reform" at the point of Chinese Communist guns. And unknown thousands of their countrymen have died fighting for the same cause.

The jurists' report was completed in 1960. But we have ample evidence that there has been no improvement whatsoever in these conditions. Tibetans who still manage to escape to the free world provide us with fresh information about the situation of their homeland and their countrymen. They say that the resistance to Communist conquest continues. They tell of campaigns of ambush and raid—the tactics of a poorly armed but brave and determined people against an invading enemy superior in weapons and numbers. They tell of bloody reprisals when the Communists capture Tibetan patriots.

They report further that there has been no letup in the public humiliation of religious leaders and the suppression of religion. In fact, the Communists have proceeded to fill the shrines they first desecrated with their own propagandists who try to tell the Tibetan people that the Communist Party leaders are their new Tibetan gods.

It is clear from what these recent refugees say that the Chinese Communists have driven the active resistance fighters to remote areas. Most of the land has been put under the communist yoke. Now, say the Communists, they are "further consolidating the people's democratic dictatorship". This means, in communist jargon, that they are liquidating all traditional Tibetan influences and setting up the usual Communist police State.

Even the Communist puppets in Tibet are being cast aside, for the Chinese Communists have dissolved their Panchen Kanop Lija Committee (Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet), headed by Panchen Erdeni, which in the name of "reform" served as a tool for Chinese Communist interests in opposition to the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government. "It has fulfilled its historic task", blandly announced the Chinese Communist State Council.

But evidently all is not well in this new "people's paradise". Up to the autumn of 1960 the Chinese rulers were determined on a quick and ruthless collectivization of Tibetan agriculture. To this end, the first step was taken in the formation of so-called mutual aid teams. But then the party line suddenly switched and it was announced that further steps "to turn the democratic revolution into the socialist revolu

See American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1959, p. 1168, footnote 5.

Doc. 535

tion"-in plain words, to collectivize agriculture-would be postponed four or five years.

The reason for this is clear from refugee accounts. In spite of the claims of bumper crops, a strict food rationing system has been imposed on the Tibetan people. The Chinese Communists are now buying up supplies of grain and edible oil in excess of a living ration for the Tibetans.

This news sheds a new light on the propaganda about the "brotherly aid" of the Chinese Communist army at harvest time. The Tibetans may not yet have reached the heights of socialist organization existing in Communist China, but they seem to have made rapid progress in the first step-the achievement of privation and hunger at the hands of their new rulers.

It is little wonder that Tibetans continue to cross the border into India and Nepal in thousands. Tibetan refugees in India are now estimated to number about 40,000, those in Nepal about 22,000.

The Chinese Communists claim, of course, that the Tibetan farmers enthusiastically support the new order. But their attempts to demonstrate this popularity are nothing but the hypocritical window-dressing so familiar to totalitarian politics. Last August they announced, for instance, that there would be "democratic elections in certain selected areas . . . so that experience can be obtained to provide better guidance to elections throughout the Tibet region in the future”.

But, as in all so-called "elections" in communist countries, no choice will be given to the voters; they can only vote one way; the outcome is predetermined; and the people's duty is simply to demonstrate obediently, at the ballot box, that they "love" the rulers whom they hate. So much for popular support.

Such is the picture of the communist occupation in Tibet. The evidence establishes in overwhelming detail what has happened, and what has happened is this: the Chinese Communists have invaded Tibet in force. They have forcibly overthrown the legally constituted Government of Tibet headed by the Dalai Lama. They have driven the Dalai Lama, his chief ministers, and over 75,000 of his people into exile. They have brutally murdered unknown thousands of others. They have set out by the most revolting methods to uproot and destroy the Buddhist faith which was the main foundation of Tibetan national life. What should be done? Clearly the evil cannot soon be redressed by the General Assembly. But we have the power-and indeed the duty to set objectives for the future. In the light of the facts and of the standards of the Charter, the United States believes that our objectives must include the restoration of the human rights of the Tibetan people and of their national right to self-determination.

The United States view on the question of self-determination for Tibet is well known. On 26 February 1960, our position was set forth by Mr. Christian Herter, then our Secretary of State, as follows:

"While it has been the historical position of the United States to consider Tibet as an autonomous country under the suzerainty of China, the American people have also traditionally stood for the principle of self-determination. It is the belief of the United States Government that this principle should apply to the

people of Tibet and that they should have the determining voice in their own political destiny."

That remains the view of the United States today. It is well founded in Tibetan history. Let me merely refer to the valuable and scholarly summary of the subject in the report of the Legal Inquiry Committee of the International Commission of Jurists-especially chapter three, "The status of Tibet". The views concerning self-determination expressed in this report take on added weight from the fact that eight of its eleven authors are from countries which, since the United Nations was founded, have themselves exercised their right to self-determination, and have themselves become independent.

The United States Government does not accept the contention that once a people are held in bondage in the communist colonialist empire they lose all further rights to self-determination. The violence of the Chinese Communists' attacks on the principle of self-determination for the Tibetan people reveals their guilty knowledge that the communist system would be repudiated in Tibet if the Tibetan people had a free choice of their destiny.

On these two principles of the Charter-human rights and selfdetermination-let the General Assembly take its stand for Tibet, and let it adopt the resolution before us, submitted by El Salvador, the Federation of Malaya, Ireland and Thailand.81 We know full well that the adoption of resolutions by the General Assembly will not soon reverse the tragic sufferings of the Tibetan people. In their history they have suffered much, but their stout character and their deep religious faith have never been extinguished.

Let us not turn our backs on them in their travail, for they are our fellow men, and there, but for the grace of God, go we.

536. THE QUESTION OF TIBET: Resolution 1723 (XVI), Adopted by the U.N. General Assembly, December 20, 1961 82

The General Assembly,

Recalling its resolution 1353 (XIV) of 21 October 1959 on the question of Tibet, 83

Gravely concerned at the continuation of events in Tibet, including the violation of the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and the suppression of the distinctive cultural and religious life which they have traditionally enjoyed,

Noting with deep anxiety the severe hardships which these events

80 See ibid., 1960, pp. 658-659.

81 Infra.

83 U.N. General Assembly Official Records, Sixteenth Session, Supplement No. 17 (A/5100). p. 66. This resolution, sponsored by the Representatives of El Salvador, Ireland, the Federation of Malaya, and Thailand, was adopted by a vote of 56 (including the U.S.) to 11, with 29 abstentions.

Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1959, p. 1187.

have inflicted on the Tibetan people, as evidenced by the large-scale exodus of Tibetan refugees to the neighbouring countries,

Considering that these events violate fundamental human rights and freedoms set out in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including the principle of selfdetermination of peoples and nations, and have the deplorable effect of increasing international tension and embittering relations between peoples,

1. Reaffirms its conviction that respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essential for the evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of law;

2. Solemnly renews its call for the cessation of practices which deprive the Tibetan people of their fundamental human rights and freedoms, including their right to self-determination;

3. Expresses the hope that Member States will make all possible efforts, as appropriate, towards achieving the purposes of the present resolution.

VIET-NAM

[SEVENTH MINISTERIAL MEETING OF THE COUNCIL OF SEATO, BANGKOK, MARCH 27-29, 1961: Communiqué Issued March 30, 1961-Ante, doc. 457]

537. INCREASE IN UNITED STATES MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO VIET-NAM: Statement Read by the Secretary of State (Rusk) at a News Conference, May 4, 1961 (Excerpt) &

The most recent gains by the Pathet Lao in the southern part of Laos have given added seriousness to the security situation in Viet-Nam. Communist control over Lao territory bordering Viet-Nam south of the 17th parallel makes more secure one of the three principal routes by which north Vietnamese armed units have been able to infiltrate the Republic of Viet-Nam. The other two routes are, as is well known, directly across the 17th parallel and by sea along the coastline of the Republic of Viet-Nam. In addition to the obvious fact that the strength of the Pathet Lao has been tremendously increased by the importation of light and heavy arms from the outside, we have no reason to doubt that the north Vietnamese armed units not operating in Laos have been similarly reequipped and strengthened from the same outside source.

Department of State press release No. 287 (text as printed in the Department of State Bulletin, May 22, 1961, pp. 757-758).

The increased Communist activity in the Republic of Viet-Nam and countermeasures to meet this threat have been matters of urgent and recent discussion, both by the officials of Viet-Nam and the United States. In connection with these the President has authorized an increase in the amount of military assistance, and a number of other measures have been determined upon. Furthermore the United States has undertaken training and advisory measures which are designed to strengthen both materially and militarily the ability of the Viet-Nam armed forces to overcome this increased Communist threat. A part of the effort, of course, must include in a situation of this sort a vigorous civil program as well in the economic and social field. As you may recall, the members of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization expressed their concern about the situation in Viet-Nam in our recent conference in Bangkok,85 and it is perfectly apparent that we must all give very serious attention to developments in that country.

538. VIETNAMESE-UNITED

IN

STATES AGREEMENT PRINCIPLE ON MEASURES TO INCREASE AND ACCELERATE UNITED STATES ASSISTANCE TO VIETNAM: Joint Communiqué Issued at Saigon by the President of the Republic of Viet-Nam (Diem) and the Vice President of the United States (Johnson), May 13, 1961 8

Lyndon B. Johnson, Vice President of the United States, has just completed a visit to the Republic of Viet-Nam, on behalf of President Kennedy and on invitation of President Ngo Dinh Diem.

The enthusiastic welcome he received in Viet-Nam reflected a deep sense of common cause in the fight for freedom in Southeast Asia and around the world.

This recognition of mutual objectives resulted in concrete understandings between the Republic of Viet-Nam and the United States. It is clear to the Government and the people of Viet-Nam and to the United States that the independence and territorial integrity of VietNam are being brutally and systematically violated by Communist agents and forces from the north.

It is also clear to both Governments that action must be strengthened and accelerated to protect the legitimate rights and aspirations of the people of free Viet-Nam to choose their own way of life.

The two Governments agreed that this is the basic principle upon which their understandings rest.

The United States, for its part, is conscious of the determination, energy and sacrifices which the Vietnamese people, under the dedicated leadership of President Ngo Dinh Diem, have brought to the defense of freedom in their land.

S5 See ante, doc. 457.

56 Department of State Bulletin, June 19, 1961, pp. 956-957. In addition to his meetings with President Diem, the Vice President addressed the National Assembly May 12, 1961.