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ART. 15. The mandatory will see that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, is insured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion, or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief.

The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language—while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the administration may impose-shall not be denied or impaired.

ART. 16. The mandatory shall be responsible for exercising such supervision over missionary enterprise in Palestine as may be required for the maintenance of public order and good government. Subject to such supervision, no measures shall be taken in Palestine to obstruct or interfere with such enterprise or to discriminate against any missionary on the ground of his religion or nationality,

ART. 17. The administration of Palestine may organize on a voluntary basis the forces necessary for the preservation of peace and order, and also for the defense of the country, subject, however, to the supervision of the mandatory, who shall not use them for purposes other than those above specified, save with the consent of the administration of Palestine, and except for such purposes no military, naval, or air forces shall be raised or maintained by the administra. tion of Palestine.

Nothing in this article shall preclude the administration of Palestine from contributing to the cost of the maintenance of forces maintained by the manda. tory in Palestine.

The mandatory shall be entitled at all times to use the roads, railways, and ports of Palestine for the movement of troops and the carriage of fuel and supplies.

ART. 18. The mandatory must see that there is no discrimination in Palestine against the nationals of any of the States members of the League of Nations (inc ng companies incorporated under their laws) as compared with those of the mandatory or of any foreign State in matters concerning taxation, commerce, or navigation, the exercise of industries or professions, or in the treatment of ships or aircraft. Similarly, there shall be no discrimination in Palestine against goods originating in or destined for any of the said States, and there shall be freedom of transit under equitable conditions across the mandated area.

Subjected as aforesaid and to the other provisions of this mandate, the administration of Palestine may, on the advice of the mandatory, impose such taxes and customs duties as it may consider necessary and take such steps as it may think best to promote the development of the natural resources of the country and to safeguard the interests of the population.

Nothing in this article shall prevent the Government of Palestine, on the advice of the mandatory, from concluding a special customs agreement with any State the territory of which in 1914 was wholly included in Asiatic Turkey or Arabia.

ART. 19. The mandatory will adhere on behalf of the administration to any general international conventions already existing or that may be concluded hereafter with the approval of the League of Nations respecting the slave traffic, the traffic in arms and ammunition, or the traffic in drugs, or relating to commercial equality, freedom of transit and navigation, aerial navigation and postal, telegraphic, and wireless communication or literary, artistic, or industrial property.

ART. 20. The mandatory will cooperate on behalf of the administration of Palestine, so far as religious, social, and other conditions may permit, in the execution of any common policy adopted by the League of Nations for preventing and combating disease, including diseases of plants and animals.

ART. 21. The mandatory will secure, within 12 months from the date of the coming into force of this mandate, the enactment and will insure the execution of a law of antiquities based on the provisions of article 421 of Part XIII of the treaty of peace with Turkey. This law shall replace the former Ottoman law of antiquities and shall insure equality of treatment in the matter of archæological research to the nationals of all States members of the League of Nations.

Art. 22. English, Arabic, and Hebrew shall be the official languages of Palestine. Any statement or inscriptions in Arabic on stamps or money in Palestine shall be repeated in Hebrew and any statements or inscriptions in Hebrew shall be repeated in Arabic.

ART. 23. The administration of Palestine shall recognize the holy days of the respective communities in Palestine as legal days of rest for the members of such communities.

- Art. 24. The mandatory shall make to the council of the League of Nations an annual report as to the measures taken during the year to carry out the provisions of the mandate. Copies of all laws and regulations promulgated or issued during the year shall be communicated with the report.

ART. 25. If any dispute whatever should arise between the members of the League of Nations relating to the interpretation of the application of these provisions which can not be settled by negotiations, this dispute shall be submitted to the permanent court of international justice provided for by article 14 of the covenant of the League of Nations.

ART. 26. The consent of the council of the League of Nations is required for any modification of the terms of the present mandate, provided that in the case of any modification proposed by the mandatory such consent may be given by a majority of the council.

ART. 27. In the event of the termination of the mandate conferred upon the mandatory by this declaration the council of the League of Nations shall make such arrangements as may be deemed necessary for safeguarding in perpetuity, under guaranty of the league, the rights secured by articles 13 and 14, and for securing, under the guaranty of the league, that the Government of Palestine will fully honor the financial obligations legitimately incurred by the administration of Palestine during the period of the mandate.

The present copy shall be deposited in the archives of the League of Nations and certified copies shall be forwarded by the secretary general of the League of Nations to all powers signatories of the treaty of peace with Turkey.

Mr. LINTHICUM. In the beginning of your remarks you said the non-Jewish Palestinians were called Arabs, but were not Arabs.

Mr. REED. Yes, sir.
Mr. LINTHICUM. Can you tell us something about that race?
Mr. TEMPLE. Is there ny more complex mixture of races anywhere?
Mr. REED. May read you what Sir George Adam Smith has said :

“ It is not true that Palestine is the national home of the Jewish people, and of no other people. It is not correct to call its non-Jewish inhabitants Arabs or to say that they have left no image of their spirit and made no history except in the Great Mosque.”

I am giving now the evidence of Sir George Adams Smith on that point.
Mr. CONNALLY. What are they, Syrians?
Mr. REED. Yes. The Arab race is supposed to be a much purer race.

The Syrians have Crusader blood, French blood, and, of course, they are a Semitic

It is a mixed race. May I continue with what Sir George Adam Smith has said :

“ Palestine formed as it is and surrounded as it is is emphatically a land of tribes. The idea that it can ever belong to one nation, even though that is the Jews, is contrary both to nature and to scripture.”

That is from a man thoroughly in sympathy with Jewish history.

Mr. TEMPLE. Is it not true that the geographical situation of Palestine has made it the cross-roads of the universe for thousands of years, and every racial element in that part of the world is represented in the native population of Palestine.

Mr. REED. The Phænicians, the Romans, the Greeks, the Persians.
Mr. LINTHICUM. Also, the battlefield of the universe.

Mr. REED. Mr. Cockran, I do not want to give you a wrong impression. This is not a matter of my personal opinions.

Mr. COCKRAN. I understand.

Mr. REED. I am very much stirred up by this resolution because I think it is wrong for our country to indorse a declaration written as that was in various offices and chancellories. I think it was Mr. Lipsky who spoke of making Palestine a Switzerland. That is not the Zionist idea at all, because Switzerland is quite different. For example, a member of the Zionist executive in Palestine is Doctor Eder, a very fine man. He has stated that there can be only one national home in Palestine-a Jewish one; and no equality in the partnership between Jews and Arabs. Doctor Eder said that when questioned by a commission appointed by Sir Herbert Samuel to investigate the Joppa riots which disgraced Palestine. In those riots both sides committed great wrongs. The commission shows it here in this report.

Mr. COCKRAN. Which were the both sides?


Mr. REED. The Zionists, and as everyone says, the “Arab” side, the natives of Palestine.

Mr. COOPER. You think both sides did wrong. Do you think in the pogroms and butcheries that the Jews did wrong?

Mr. REED. No.

Mr. COOPER. You think the Jews were butchered in cold blood in the other countries?

Mr. REED. I think they were. There have been no pogroms in Palestine. Doctor Eder is the Zionist executive there.

Mr. LINTHICUM. The professor said he would like to go into the mandate.
Mr. REED. If you will let me I will make a further statement.
Mr. LINTHICUM. I suggest we hear from him on the mandate.

Mr. CONNALLY. Will you mind stating what was the occasion of your visit there?

Mr. REED. I worked as the deputy commissioner for the American Red Cross. I was there three and a half months in purely relief work.

(Thereupon, at 12.15 o'clock, p. m., the committee adjourned to meet again at 10.30 o'clock, a. m., Thursday, April 20, 1922.)



Thursday, April 20, 1922. The committee this day met, Hon. Stephen G. Porter (chairman) presiding.

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will be in order. Mr. Fish, have you anybody to call this morning?

Mr. FISH. Yes.

The CHAIRMAN. Before you start, let me say that the Rev. Isaac Landman is here and desires to testify this morning.

Mr. Fish. Mr. Abraham Goldberg who is here represents the Zionists of America, and will be our first speaker to-day. He wishes about 30 minutes.



The CHAIRMAN. Kindly state your name and address and occupation.

Mr. GOLDBERG. Abraham Goldberg; office 55 Fifth Avenue, care of the Zionist Organization of America.

The CHAIRMAN. Is that your only occupation ?
Mr. GOLDBERG. I am a journalist.
Mr. MOORES of Indiana. Where were you born?
Mr. GOLDBERG. In Russia.
Mr. MOORES of Indiana. Are you an American citizen ?
Mr. MOORES of Indiana. That is all.

Mr. GOLDBERG. Mr. Chairman and Congressmen, I want to preface my remarks before I answer the question of the distinguished Congressman who asked me where I was born. I am not, to begin with, a professor, not an assistant, certainly not a professor of English. I was not born even in America which I regret very much. Unfortunately, I was born in a land where the Jews are massacred, robbed, and despoiled. I came here when I was 17 years old, because I had very few chances in Russia, and I came with my parents because they too were robbed of even the possibility of making a living. But when I came here I did not relinquish the hope that the Jews as a people might get back their own land. Not only did I not relinquish that hope, but I was sure the American people as such would help us. Personally, I am a citizen of the Great Republic and protected by the flag of the Republic, and I believe I love America because I know the difference between the land I came from and the land I adopted, and I believe that at any monrent were America in danger I would be ready to shed my blood for this country, but at the same time the Jewish people, as a people, is unfortunate, has not anything to itself, has not a land, is robbed of the possibility of even developing its own language, and when I came to these shores I was certain America would help the Jewish people to get its land back.

Gentlemen, I must say this, that there are not many here that are opposed to the Jews. On the contrary, wherever we go we meet many and many friends of the Jewish people, but still I even then realized that there might come a time when 8,000,000 of unfortunate Jews will ask for a haven and will not get it because certa in laws will be passed that will prevent them from coming even here. I do not say that the immigration restrictions were meant against the Jews, but the Jew is in any event the main sufferer, and I thought it was about time that we prepare a place for the Jewish people; that when they look for a home of refuge they could go there.

Mr. SMITH of Michigan. Do you think that our immigration laws are passed designedly to prevent Jews from coming to this country?

Mr. GOLDBERG. I just said the reverse.
Mr. Smith of Michigan. I beg your pardon.

Mr. GOLDBERG. I said the restrictive laws were not designed against the Jews, but since we are a people that is unfortunately situated, any law, even a law that I would support myself as an American, hits my people.

Mr. SMITH of Michigan. Discriminatory.

Mr. GOLDBERG. No. I say that it was not meant to hit us in any way, but it happened that it has hit us most severely.

Mr. SMITH of Michigan. Yes.

Mr. GOLDBERG. I said that I believe that America will help us and I did not relinquish that hope. I will speak of Americanism because we were charged here that being for Palestine for the Jews is un-American. I hope to God that America will yet add to its glorious record the achievement of having helped another oppressed race to get its homeland.

I am not going to weary you gentlemen with quotations. I could bring mountains of quotations. I could quote the Bible. But that is a book that you all know, and you know the prophecies about the Jewish land. It is no use of getting haphazard hearsay remarks of one man and another and try to impress you with that. Our sacred literature is open to all peoples. It is the source I believe, indeed, of the philosophy of many peoples, and you know what was said in that literature about Palestine and about the Jews and about their yearning to reestablish the ancient land. It is superfluous to talk about that.

I am not going, as I say, to quote. It would also be wrong of me to impugn the motives of the man who came here yesterday to oppose, although I must express my surprise. The surprise is double, first, that a Christian should come and try to prevent the Jews from getting into their own, which is in accordance with the prophecies and fundamental justice. I am surprised, furthermore, that a man pleading no one's cause, not representing anyone, as he says, came here, spent his time, left his college, spent here days, and is ready to spend other days, in order to obstruct a righteous endeavor. I do not know why. I leave that to you. Of course you were told that he came to save Americanism which is in danger. Well, gentlemen, before I go any further, I want to say that President Harding is in sympathy with the Zionist movement. I hope he is a good American. President Wilson, also. There are about 60 Senators and 237 Congressmen who have expressed themselves in favor of it. Secretary Hughes and other leading Americans take a similar view. Fourteen States have passed resolutions in favor of this cause. Fourteen State governors, Christian professors—for example, Dr. Eliot, who doubtless knows something about Americanism; scores of men like these went on record. I do not believe that you are in danger and that you need to have a professor come to save you from the pitfall of un-Americanism.

Gentlemen, I must here express my surprise why we did not deal yesterday with fundamentals instead of spending our time on casual remarks that one man said this, and another man said something else. The mental picture drawn before you reminded me of the notorious anti-Jewish “Protocols of the Elders of Zion." The burden of his speech was, “ Beware! The Jew is here, and you know his machinations."

Professor Reed went into a description of the menace of the Balfour declaration, and said that it was a sinister document, that you must be very careful about it. What is the trouble with this document? The document is here before you, providing for the rights of everybody. The document was approved by our own Government in a certain sense. President Wilson and his administration knew of it; the Republicans knew of it; Senator Lodge knew of it; President Harding and Secretary Hughes knew of it. But he drew a picture. Probably every Gentile harbors a little bit of suspicion toward Jews. Professor Reed played here on this chord continually: “Beware! The Jew is here. The Balfour declaration or document was made in secret, and so you must be careful of it."

Gentlemen, you know, and I need not tell you, how documents are prepared. This document, too, was prepared in the ordinary way. Lord Milner drafted it and they showed it to the Zionist organization, consulted with the leaders, and with others, discussed every word and then issued it to the public as public property. But this is, after all, not touching the real question in any way; does not begin to touch upon the fundamentals, Mr. Chairman.

The first question is, and as fair-minded men I would like to ask you, do you think that the Jewish people I would not speak of their merits; I would not speak of their qualities; I would not speak of their defects. I would not say we are the chosen people; if we are chosen, we were probably chosen as the target for insults and persecutions for the last two thousand years. I would not say we are a chosen people, but I would say that we are a living people that are to be considered. We are a people numbering about 14,000,000; about 300,000,000 or more were exterminated during the ages, but we are now 14,000,000, and I ask you if the Albanians are entitled to a country, if the Czecho-Slovaks are entitled to a country, if the Poles are entitled to a country, the Yugo-Slovaks, the Roumanians.

The CHAIRMAN. Is what?
Mr. GOLDBERG. Are entitled to a land of their own.
Mr. COOPER. A government and land of their own.

Mr. GOLDBERG. All those, even the Albanians, who have not yet an alphabet of their own; still we say, and I believe we are right in saying, “Let them have a country of their own.' The Irish have now a free State, and I believe they should have a State of their own. We are in great sympathy with the Irish.

Mr. Smith of Michigan. The north or south of Ireland ?

Mr. GOLDBERG. I am speaking of Ireland as a people. The division between them is most unfortunate. You must know that we too have some who do not agree with us. It is most unfortunate. No people is entirely united. We have a few who are what I consider traitors to a great cause. So they are, but what can we do? We have a few, but 99 per cent—the majority, an overwhelming majority of the Jewish people-stand like one man behind the demand for a Jewish homeland. The Irish, the Poles, the Slovaks, the Germans, the Italians were at one time fighting among themselves. But they have finally obtained their hope. They each have their land. Now, I ask you, in fairness, are the Jews as a people entitled to a piece of land, to a place in the sun? Is there any other nationality that has had more troubles, or any other nation worse off? That is the fundamental question. I would not speak of what we have accomplished, what we have done for the world. That would be boasting. I would not speak of that, but you will admit, gentlemen, that the culture, the civilization of the modern world was founded on the culture of three great nations—the Greeks, the Romans, and the Jews. The Greeks had no country of their own for some time. The Romans—the Italians—had no country of their own at one time, but the Jews still have no country of their own. What happened? The people aroused themselves and said, in gratitude to these two nations: We will help them build and free their country. We helped the Italians. America had a great share in freeing Italy. Italy finally became the land of the Italians. The English helped the Greeks. Many leading men then appealed to the American Nation, to the sense of justice and fairness of every right thinking man to help the Greeks, who contributed a large part of our culture. Who, out of these three great nationalities still remained without a land?

Mr. KENNEDY. Of all those nationalities that you have enumerated, if I understand the difference between you and the gentleman who talked here yesterday, is this: Take the Irish people, for instance, they are distinct people, and occupy Ireland in a majority. They do to-day. That is true of Poland, and also true of Italy and Czechoslovakia.


Mr. KENNEDY. A point made by a previous speaker was that the Jewish people only constituted one-tenth of the entire population of Palestine.

Mr. GOLDBERG. Right.
Mr. KENNEDY. What have you to say about that?
Mr. GOLDBERG. That is what I said. We were not dealing with fundamentals.

Mr. KENNEDY. I am not offering this as an objection. I am looking for your idea of it.

Mr. GOLDBERG. I am very grateful.
Mr. FISH. He is trying to guide you.

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