DE BOW'S

SOUTHERN AND WESTERN

REVIEW.

ESTABLISHED JANUARY 1, 1846.

JANUARY, 1851.

VOL. X., O. S.....2d SERIES, VOL. IV., No. 1.-3d SERIES, VOL. II., No. 1.

ART. I.-THE SOUTH AND HER REMEDIES.

As a public journalist, with all the responsibilities of the position, we have never hesitated, on every proper occasion, to aver openly and boldly our opinions upon the great questions which are now shaking the pillars of the Federal Union. We believe that the position of the South is one of extreme peril-that taking counsel from her distractions, her opponents have been gathering strength, and will soon be irresistible; that no sense of "returning justice" has yet been exhibited by them; that no olive branch of peace has been tendered, which may with safety be accepted; and no earnest afforded at all satisfactory of future repose and equal rights under the Constitution.

Notwithstanding these are our views, there are others, we know, who think differently, and among them some of our most valued friends, whose patriotism and eminent characters place them above all suspicion. We cannot denounce, but must respect their differences of opinion, and accord to them a faithful hearing.

In such a spirit we publish the annexed paper. It is the voice, without doubt, of a respectable minority of the Southern people, and has an undeniable right to be heard through the pages of a magazine like ours, which belongs to no state nor party, but professes to be the organ of the entire South. In the same spirit we shall publish an answer, if it be furnished to us, from any competent source. Heaven send the South moderation, yet firmness and decision!-respect for the constituted authorities, yet regard for her own peerless honor, rights and liberties, in this fearful crisis!-[EDITOR.]

FOR years past it has been evident, that the greatest danger to the continuance of the Republic lay in the different views taken by the Northern and the Southern states, of the institution of domestic slavery. Since the question was first mooted, upon the admission of the State of Missouri, the elements of sectional strife have existed; for a time, apparently inactive, or nearly so, but for the last fifteen years, day

by day gathering strength; and during the last five or six years with alarming rapidity. The Southern states, during this time, have seemed not to be aware of the true state of things. They have slumbered, undisturbed, as if unconcerned, at the threatening mutterings of the storm. They have acted as if they did not observe the advancing public opinions of the North, and of the world, upon the subject, of all others the most vital to them. It is idle to deny that reprobation of their institutions is felt in foreign countries equally as strong as in some parts of our own, Our domestic policy is condemned in Europe, in terms as violent as those used by the Abolitionists of the North. We still think we can afford to laugh at the notions of the former, though at times, indignation at wanton insults is deeply excited. So we have thought we could disregard, and practically have disregarded, the evidences presented, of the deep hostility planted in the Northern breast against us, and our systems of policy.

It is true, that all have not slumbered so soundly-some from time to time have sounded the alarm; but how have they been heeded? The pages of our leading periodicals furnish proof, that the position of the South has been pondered upon; that its duty in relation to the inferior race of men in its midst, has been considered; that its duty in relation to the acquisition of territory, which has thrown the apple of discord in the midst of the country, has been sought after; the history of the great social revolutions in Europe has been explored, to aid our people and our legislators, by lessons drawn from the experience of the past; but where is the evidence that the alarms, which from time to time have been sounded, have sunk into the public mind? What system of legislation has been adopted, with a statesman-like forethought of the difficulties and duties of our position? Instead of boldly looking our situation in the face, and aided with all the lights in the power of history and calm reflection to furnish us, acting with the consideration that becomes our position, but too often mere haughty denunciations have been cast upon the heads of our maligners, and exasperating threats of resistance to their unwarrantable aggressions have been passed by our state authorities.

Time was when, by a wise consideration of our domestic concerns, the real objections to our systems could have been, to a great extent, obviated, and the feelings of those worthy of attention conciliated towards us; not that the right to dictate to us, or to interfere with our affairs, is to the slightest degree admitted. The exclusive control of the subject is a matter about which there is no room for dispute. We must maintain it, at all and every hazard. The first attempt to interfere, or even to advise, must be promptly resisted; the responsibility is upon us alone, the supreme and exclusive control must rest with us.

Very different from the admission of such a right to interfere, is the adoption by our own authority of a scheme of policy, the effect of which would be, to disarm objections; although such scheme may have had its origin in a knowledge of the existence of these objec tions, and its end may have been to disarm them. No institution devised or regulated by man is perfect; the defects of each are more

likely to be discovered by its enemies than its friends; and wisdom is not above taking counsel, even of an enemy. If, in matters of political concern, an error can be removed, or an advantage obtained, duty requires of the authority that controls, that that error be removed, and that advantage be secured. As individuals, and as societies, men are so connected, that they must govern themselves by principles not altogether at variance with the common sense of mankind. The common judgment of men, or the public opinion of the society with which we are brought in contact, as individuals, is a power that no man can wholly disregard. So the public opinion of the world in national affairs, is a power that sooner or later will be heard; and true statesmanship consists, not in wantonly disregarding its behests, nor in blindly following them, but in consulting its views, and so acting as to avoid a shock to its sense of right, till it can be enlightened or modified. It is in the recognition of this truth that political wisdom consists; and it is in following the counsels it suggests, that convulsions are escaped, and political security obtained.

It may not agree with our pride of independence thus to act, and probably will not accord with the feeling of the times, to divert the attention of our people to this truth; but it will certainly tend to our advantage to heed the lessons of experience, however unpalatable they may be.

No one can doubt, but at this time the public mind of the South is greatly excited, in view of the feeling displayed by the people of the Northern states on the subject of slavery. This excitement has, as it were, been brought to a head, by the discussions that have occurred in Congress upon the admission of California to the Union, and the formation of governments over the territories recently ac quired from Mexico. It has now reached such a point as to render calm consideration of our position, and our duties, nearly out of the question. With many, the time for an examination of these things has passed; they have no thought for any thing but resistance; the measure, mode, or means of resistance is not even thought of, while the consequences, whether advantageous or the contrary, have scarcely received the slightest reflection. In the midst of an excitement so far advanced, it is not now proposed to discuss the course of conduct the South owes it to herself, and to her position in the eyes of the world, to adopt, in relation to her domestic institutions. Perhaps a sound policy would dictate, at this present time, that nothing in that way should be done or even said, lest it give countenance to the assumed right of other people to interfere in our affairs. Perhaps an obstinate silence on this subject is now the course of prudence. Let the North attend to its business, and we will attend to ours, is the reply we are certainly disposed to make, to the superfluous charity they exhibit towards us.

At present, the point to which the Southern mind is looking, is, how shall we act in the now state of things, and in view of the actual legislation already had upon the subject of controversy ?

A series of laws have been passed by the National Legislature, embracing all the questions at issue between the two great sections

states.

of the country. Opinions are divided upon the propriety of these laws, as a system avowedly proposed to settle the differences pending. Some, at the South, think the effort is a denial to her of her rights, a granting of the whole dispute to the North, and that in their passage Congress has been recreant in its duty to the Southern Others do not discover such violation of duty as would justify resistance. Probably, however, a vast majority of the people of the Southern states see, in the present aspect of affairs, serious cause of anxiety for the future, and feel that it is incumbent on the people of the South to do something to arrest aggressions, and if need be, put themselves in a position to repel them. Unfortunately we cannot all think alike on the means to be employed. Unhappily, some have allowed themselves to be stung too deeply by the reproaches and insults of the North, and violent and ultra modes of redress are openly proclaimed.

It is greatly to be feared that over-much haste is shown. We, in common with many, believe that true patriotism does not yet require the agitation of the severance of the political bonds of the country, much less their actual destruction; that great uncertainty attends the movements now sought to be made, and undeniably a great want of unanimity. If a majority adopt these violent means of redress, a proscriptive policy towards a large minority must result. Oppression and injustice will be committed by their countrymen, toward Southern men, far exceeding the injustice complained of being committed by the North. The dicta of a majority are not necessarily the decisions of a correct reason, and do not of themselves rightfully challenge obedience at the hands of a minority. No tyranny is so oppressive as that of a majority in a so-called free people-none is so easily and so readily exerted; none for which redress is harder to be found. The absence of personal responsibility, in such cases, removes the firmest barrier that has or can be erected in favor of civil liberty, and to which the most despotic monarch must pay deference. A majority, in a community such as ours, may become the most oppressive of tyrants, amenable to none, injurious alike to the minority and the country it oppresses. Symptoms of this proscriptive spirit are even now beginning to show themselves. Witness the resolutions passed by many "Southern Rights Meetings:" the possession of power by such men would be the signal for the total overthrow of a free spirit of inquiry. Liberty of conscience in political concerns. would be abolished. All who differ in opinion from the majorityfrom those who seek the so-called security of their country, would be denounced as enemies of the South. All that prefer a continuance of the union of the states, would be stigmatized as traitors to the honor of the state. Words, sacred to patriotism, will be called into free use by the dominant majority. The minds of many will be thereby inflamed, their judgment clouded, their feelings excited: no name will be too base to be applied to an opponent that cannot think with them. It may be, no violence will be deemed unjustifiable towards those thus denounced enemies of their country.

A similar spirit, but less vindictive, would, doubtless, arise on the

part of the other side, if, after an excited struggle, power should remain with them. It would be less violent, because their policy is founded on more moderate doctrines than are announced by their opponents. Their success, too, would not result in the destruction or reorganization of the present institutions of society. Society would not by them be thrown from its regular pathway-the political machine would remain in its accustomed foundation Its operations, doubtless, would become more vehement than usual, but not so vehement as to end in its own destruction.

In Republican governments, a majority must of necessity, for the sake of order, rule; no other test can be practically applied to decide what shall be the rule of conduct, than the number of persons that forces the adoption of the rule; if that number be a majority, generally it may be considered safe to regard the opinion correct. ordinary times the opinion is sufficiently correct to be acted on without much misgiving. Yet there are many cases where we know the judgment of the majority is fundamentally wrong. In such cases the minority abide by that judgment, because the continued good order and regularity of society is of far more importance to them, and to the nation, than is the establishment of the correct rule in that particular case. On this basis avowedly rests the authority of all the American governments. This principle, in fact, lies at the founda. tion of all governments. In many it is not indeed acknowledged;, in many it is dimly seen; in some again, it is seen, but the military power of the sovereign so far exceeds the strength of the subject, that practically the government is nearly independent of the governed. Though the government, even in that case, is largely influenced by the public opinion of that and the surrounding countries, it is so administered that open conflict with that opinion is, as far as possible, avoided. A direct conflict between a government the most despotic and powerful, with an unanimous deeply-seated public opinion of the nation, would end in the overthrow of the former, no matter how well organized and powerful.

Republican forms of government openly acknowledge this principle, and base their organization upon the will of the majority. Yet even in these governments there have been provided some security against the dangers of an unjust operation of the rule.

The rule, it should be observed, obtains only in the first instance, when the organic law is to be established. After the form of Government is established, the power to act, to carry on the details of legislative, judicial and executive authority, is vested in fewer and fewer hands, till the veto power is left to the sound discretion of only a single mind, aided by such lights as his knowledge and experience can command.

The object of these limitations is to secure the community against the wild acts of a mere multitude, and procure the result, as far as possible, of deliberate judgment upon the measures that are proposed to be enacted.

We have ordained, for our still greater security, written Constitutions, that are supposed to represent the decisions of the matured