with past victories, the free States of the North were now disposed to pause, and forever arrest the hand of aggression, we should hail the Union again with exultation, as our fathers hailed it, and, burying the remem brance of all our grievances, dire as they have been, shake hands in fellowship, and shout heartfelt hosannas to its perpetuity. But alas for us, we are so constituted as not to be satisfied with the evidences many of our best friends are relying upon, that the danger is over, that the hatchet is buried, peace proclaimed, and the South called upon only to rejoice and be exceeding glad at her great salvation. At least, it would seem the part of wisdom and discretion to guard against the possibility of future dangers, or to prepare to meet them, should they be precipitated upon us in spite of all our efforts and our hopes. It is in the power of the South to save the Union, but it will require her united and concerted action to do it. We therefore favor,- 1. A Southern Convention-a Convention of the whole of the slave States, in which, disregarding all points of difference, it shall be laid down in distinct and unmistakeable terms, what will constitute, in the judgment of all of them, a ground for resistance, or for the establishment, should necessity demand even that extreme, of a separate Confederation. This fixed-and there would assuredly be little difficulty in doing it it would be the duty, perhaps, of those States who are already insisting upon action, to yield their own preferences, for the general good of the South. Common interests and common dangers should unite us, and upon this platform we would be ir resistible. We believe that the South can be united now, and that a Convention of our States will resolve unanimously, and with enthusiasm, that with a single move more upon the part of the North, the "Rubicon" will be passed forever. This combined action seems to us the only one likely to be effective, however high our admiration and regard for those gallant States who are now disposed, solitary and alone, to strike for their rights, and leap, Curtius-like, into the yawning chasm. We are in favor of a Convention, not exactly like that of Nashville, which repre sented but a few States, but one of all the South, elected by the people, and charged to demand, like the Barons of Runningmead, the great charter of their liberties, or, like the Parliament of England, their bill of inalienable rights. Perhaps this Convention may save the Union, and perpetuate it. We think it will. At all events, such a Convention could not endanger the Union, unless its further preservation would be a crime. 2. We are in favor of a Southern Mer-" cantile Convention, as a present proper means of strengthening the South and enabling her to retain at home the millions of wealth now contributed to the North, by building our own ships and conducting our own trade with foreign powers, and realizing all of the immense benefits to be derived therefrom. There has never been any good reason for our subserviency in this particular, and there cannot be now, when our favors are received with systematic abuse. We are glad to hail already a movement in this behalf in some of the Southern States. 3. We propose, too, a Southern Manufacturing Convention, and that we agree to manufacture at home every bale of cotton that we eventually consume, and pay no more tribute to Northern looms. It is in the power of the South, if she pleases, to hush the sound of every spindle in New-England; and if she has the power, should she be so merciful as not to use it? Much cause has she, indeed, for forbearance! 4. We are for diversifying in every way our industry, and sending out of our limits for nothing that we can make within them. Has the North iron, and coal, and granite, marble and other minerals? So have we, in bountiful profusion, needing but the willing hand to develope them. Let us build railroads and plank roads, and invest in them our surplus capital, and foster such improvements in spite of every discouragement. 5. Let our people cease their annual migrations to the North, in which they squander millions, which, if retained at home, would give new life to every branch of domestic employment with us. We have watering places that need but fashion to make them equal, if not superior, to Saratoga or Cape May, with none of their disadvantages. Our children should be educated at home; yet at this moment there are thousands of Southern youth rejoicing at Cambridge, or Yale, or Amherst, and similar institutions, whilst our own Colleges and Universities have but a stagnant life. We should encourage our own literature, as well as educate our children. A Southern periodical or a Southern book is a rara avis, whilst every shelf or table at the South groans under the product of Northern brains. Good this product may be-but is there nothing good, fellow citizens, except beyond the limits of Nazareth? Thus much we have written, though hastily and disjointedly, without, as we think, going a step beyond what every true friend of the South, whatever his other views, will regard as orthodox, and as demanded by a proper regard for the future welfare and safety of our people. We have spoken sober truths, without prejudice or passion, and intreat for them a patient hearing. Individually we might have gone much farther in counselling action, had our sense of past wrongs and hopelessness of future rights been allowed to influence us entirely. We honestly differ in regard to these matters from our friends, who appear to be in an immense majority throughout the South, and the heart of true patriotism will make many concessions. With these remarks we conclude our present paper, after making several extracts from pamphlets on the table before us which have sprung out of the present troubled state of things at the South. Though we may not agree always with the authors in opinion, there are many sound truths expressed by them, which should be proclaimed throughout all our limits. POWER AND RESOURCES OF THE SOUTH. We abstract the following from the very able address of John Townsend, Esq., in which he exhausts the subjects of Northern aggression and Southern power of resistance, should that evil day, which God forbid, ever be forced upon us : In order to understand the abundant resources of the Southern States, towards becoming a great, powerful. and independent nation, capable of protecting herself from all aggression from abroad, or at home; and of becoming wealthy and prosperous to a degree heretofore seldom enjoyed by any peo ple; examine first, the map of the United States, and then indulge in certain considerations, which obviously present themselves, but which the occasion will allow us, only very briefly to glance at. Beginning at the Capes of the Delaware, go up that bay until we reach the Southern boundary of Pennsylvania. Pursue that boundary west, to the Ohio river; then down that river to its junction with the Mississippi; then up that river to the northern boundary of the State of Missouri; then around the northern and the western boundary of that State, to the line of 36° 30′; thence west on that line to the Pacific Ocean. Or, if it be preferred, until it strikes the upper waters of the Rio Grande; then down that river to the Gulf of Mexico; and thence, around to the Atlantic. Within these boundaries we have "The Southern United States of North America,"-as magnificent a country as ever the sun shone upon; solid, compact, and self-supporting for all purposes of defence, with noble rivers, a fertile soil, great mineral resources, a genial climate, for all purposes of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; and with a population at this time, of about 6,000,000 whites,-a hardy race, enterprising, courageous, intelligent, and generous; but unhappily for themselves, too confiding in those who are lulling them into security, to betray and then ruin them. These States also possess a black population of about 3,000,000,-a docile, obedient, orderly, and athletic people;-when let alone, happy, contented, and attached to their own ers; and with their labor directed by the superior intelligence of the white race, and aided by their capital, constituting one of the most efficient and profitable classes of laborers in the world. Examining these States next, in their capabilities to afford sustenance and wealth to man; we find them producing a superabundance of meats, and fruits, and grains and roots; and yielding for a large export, the most valuable agricultural staples that the world knows :-staples which bring millions them for the raw material; upon which again of people, in other nations, dependent upon depend the manufactures and the commerce of those nations. The cotton, rice, tobacco, sugar, and other articles exported from those States, amount to over $95,000,000, annually, besides what are kept back, and used freely for their own comforts, or manufactures at home. This affords, not only a very large income to the inhabitants, but as imports are in proportion to exports, and the revenue of a nation in proportion to its imports, it will afford, at a moderate tariff of duties, an overflowing treasury, which will enable the Southern United States to do, (what has heretofore been denied them,) and that is, by expending within themselves, and for their own benefit, those immense sums which have been hitherto extorted from them, and squandered elsewhere, amply to fortify themselves, and develope their own mighty, but dormant resources. How different will be the aspect of things in the whole South, when this tide of wealth is dammed up within our own borders, and made to roll back among our own people; and when our immense capital is employed by our own merchants in establishing a direct trade, between our own Southern ports, and our customers all over the world. Then every vulnerable point will be protected by an ample fortification; then every suitable harbor will have its well appointed dock-yard, and our navy will soon rank with the proudest. Then every river, harbor, channel, or bank, will be surveyed and mapped out for the security of our commerce. Then, when we have our own and it is spent among ourselves, will the unaccustomed nourishment be diffused through the whole system, and its vivifying influence be felt in every pore. The arts will revive, manufactures will spring up around us; our agriculture will rear its drooping head, our commerce will expand; mechanic labor, meeting with ample rewards, will pour in upon us, and emigration, no longer discouraged by the uninviting aspect of our country, will flock to our shores. And then, as the consequence of all these things, will we exhibit to mankind, a refutation of the calumny of our enemies, which attributes the impoverished condition of things at the South to the institution of slavery among us, and not rather to the systematic robbery of our National Legislature, (where we are in hopeless minority.) by which the immense revenues drawn annually from Southern labor, is disbursed almost entirely at the North, for the encouragement of the labor of that section. WEALTH OF THE SOUTH. We take this from an admirable address delivered by Wm. E. Martin, on the cele bration of the anniversary of Fort Moultrie. This address is so interesting in many particulars, that we shall hereafter have occasion to extract more largely from it: The crop of the whole world cannot be accurately estimated, for want of correct accounts of the quantity consumed in India, and exported thence to China. We may, by approximation, however, arrive at a conclusion sufficient to illustrate our views. The quantity imported into the whole of Enrope, from all parts of the world, during the years 1846, 1847, 1848, and 1849, reached 11,502,000 bags of 300 lbs., which, at the average of prices for these years, 84 cents,t was worth $293,301,000. The production of cotton in the United States commenced in 1790, and in the next year only 81 bales were exported, and yet of 11,502,000 above stated, 8,922,000 went from the Southern States of America, which at the same price, (8 cts.,) is worth $227,511,000. So that in quantity the production of the South is as 8,922,000 to 11,502,000 and the value is as $227,511,000 to $293,301,000, and thus we see that we produce more than three-fourths in quantity and value of this great staple. If the unascertained quantity consumed in India and exported thence to China, which is inferior in staple to ours, is set off against the quantity of our cotton consumed in the United States, (which I have not added to the com. putation,) the result, it is believed, will not be varied. Let us look at this question in another point of view. The crop of the United States in 1823, was only 509,158, and yet the crop of the 1848-9 had reached, 2,728,year 596, more than five times as great in 1848 as it was in 1823, twenty-six years before. This was worth, at last year's price, (10 cents,) 81,871,000. Deducting 518,039 as the quantity consumed in the United States, We have for exportation, 2,227, 844 bales, which at 10 cents, (a low estimate,) is worth.......$66,825,320 If to this be added the other do mestic productions of the South 32,674,176 The whole value for southern exports for 1849, will be........$99,500,000 More than two-thirds of the whole domestic exports from the United States for that year, which was... .$131,710,081 And more than three times as much as the whole domestic export from the North, for the same year, which wast.......$32,210,081 The remarkable fact is also shown that the domestic exports of the South, exclusive of cotton, her great staple, is $32,674,176, while all the exports from the North are $32,210,081, leaving the value of her cotton over and above. The fact that the North consumes less than one-fifth of our cotton, while four-fifths find so ready a market on our wharves, is significant of the indepen dence of the South; and the North might well be reminded by her receiving all her supply of raw material from us, and sending it again to us in her manufactured goods, (even if less keen-sighted than our Northerners are reputed to be,) how dangerous is the policy of converting an ally into an enemy, and a customer into a rival. THE BLESSINGS OF THE UNION. We give this extract from the letter of the Hon. Wm. Grayson, Collector of Charleston, to Governor Seabrook, as showing the other side of the question; but we are bound his letter, surrenders every thing which has to say, that Mr. Grayson, in many parts of ever been considered worthy of contending Reports of Secretary of Treasury. for the South. It is ever thus that one ex [tions from the pamphlet of Mr. Grayson, and treme will engender the other: "They ask us with astonishment, what is it you propose to destroy? Is it the confederacy which for sixty years has secured undisturbed internal peace to a continentwhich has conferred unexampled prosperity on the people of North America-which has enlarged their limits from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean, and increased the number of their states from thirteen to thirtyone-which establishes in this immense region the same laws, gives it the same language and literature, imparts to it the bles sings of unlimited free-trade, and unrestrict ed social intercourse, and enables it to carry on, in unbroken links, from state to state, every kind of internal improvement, by which that trade and intercourse may be made more profitable and easy? It is Union, which has imparted to the American people the strength and influence of a great nation. It is Union, which has made their voice potential among the strongest of the earth. It is by the Union only, that we are enabled to bid defiance to all foreign aggression from whatever quarter. Who are indifferent to the advantages of the commerce, or would lightly challenge the hostile fleets and armies of the United States? Shall we from this condition, reduce ourselves to that of separate and feeble communities? The fables of our childhood would rebuke our rashness, and teach us the strength of Union, and the weakness of dissension and separation. "Let us reflect on these effects of the confederacy more minutely. To the Southern man-the advocate of free-trade-what can be more imposing than the condition of a great continent more than equal in extent to all Europe, enjoying within itself the most perfect freedom of trade and intercourse; no duties, no passports, no hindrance of any kind? Every man goes where he pleases; sells and buys what he pleases; establishes his household in any state of the thirty-one, with all the rights and privileges of the native citizen of each state, without any of the smallest interference of police, spy or custom-house regulations. Nothing like it ex-. ists, or ever has existed on earth. In Europe, you are stopped on the frontiers of every state. Your baggage must be rummaged, your passports vised. In every petty principality, you are exposed to the insolence and ignorance of the government officials. New duties on goods, new examinations of persons, new difficulties of every sort await you at every step. What a contrast this to the unrestrained liberty of intercourse? to the unlimited freedom of trade, which the confederacy, and the confederacy alone, secures to the American citizen throughout his immense country? And if these effects of the confederacy be admirable now, what will they be when the population and wealth of the country are increased a thousand-fold?" In our next we shall furnish more quota On also from the very able answer to it which has been published, as well as from the oration by our friend William H. Trescot, entitled the "Position and Course of the South;" the pamphlet of Mr. Garnet, of Virginia; the comprehensive treatise Slavery, and Southern Rights and Remedies," by Edward B. Bryan, &c. We shall be impartial in presenting both sides, reserving our own opinion, and leaving the reader to form his. We take the following summary from the Essay of Thornton Stringfellow, entitled, "A Brief Examination of Scripture Testimony on the Institution of Slavery :" THE BIBLE ARGUMENT FOR SLAVERY. My reader will remember that the subject in dispute is, whether involuntary and hereditary slavery was ever lawful in the sight of God, the Bible being judge? 1. I have shown by the Bible that God decreed this relation between the posterity of Canaan and the posterity of Shem and Japheth. 2. I have shown that God executed this decree by aiding the posterity of Shem (at a time when " they were holiness to the Lord,") to enslave the posterity of Canaan in the days of Joshua. 3. I have shown that when God ratified the covenant of promise with Abraham, he recognized Abraham as the owner of slaves he had bought with his money of the stranger, and recorded his approbation of the relation, by commanding Abraham to circumcise them. 4. I have shown that when he took Abra ham's posterity by the hand in Egypt, five hundred years afterwards, he publicly approbated the same relation, by permitting every slave they had bought with their money to eat the passover, while he refused the same privilege to their hired servants. 5. I have shown that God, as their national law-giver, ordained by express statute, that they should buy slaves of the nations around them, (the seven devoted nations excepted,) and that these slaves and their increase should be a perpetual inheritance to their children. 6. I have shown that God ordained slavery by law for their captives taken in war, while he guarantied a successful issue to their wars, so long as they obeyed him. 7. I have shown that when Jesus ordered his Gospel to be published through the world, the relation of master and slave exist ed by law in every province and family of the Roman Empire, as it had done in the Jewish commonwealth for fifteen hundred years. 8. I have shown that Jesus ordained, that the legislative authority, which created this relation in that empire, should be obeyed and honored as an ordinance of God, as all governments are declared to be. 9. I have shown that Jesus has prescribed the mutual duties of this relation in this kingdom. 10. And lastly, I have shown, that in an attempt by his professed followers to disturb this relation in the Apostolic churches, Jesus orders that fellowship shall be disclaimed with all such disciples, as seditious personswhose conduct was not only dangerous to the state, but destructive to the true character of the Gospel dispensation. LATE BOOKS AND PERIODICALS. author of this admirable work has prepared government, 2.-WHITE'S STATISTICS OF GEORGIA. This volume we have elaborately reviewed in another place, and shall continue to notice. 3.-GRAHAMME, OR YOUTH AND MANHOOD. By the author of "Talbot and Vernon." New-York: Baker & Scribner. We are indebted to Thomas L. White, 53 Canal street, for this interesting volume, which we have once before noticed. The author says, in his preface: "To those who object to the character I have here drawn of Simon Bolivar, I have only to say, that this is the result of the best information I can get. I would be sorry to pull down, or to attempt to pull down, any hero rightfully enthroned; but every impostor, while he is believed, robs some true man of his due meed of praise." Mr. White, we are gratified to state, has an assortment of valuable works on hand, of every kind, such as New Orleans has sel dom seen before. 4.-HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, ber of the Louisiana Historical Society, of the American Association for the advancement of Science, Honorary member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, &c. &c. Part 2d. Philadelphia: Daniels & Smith. New Orleans: B. M. Norman. 1850, We have given the full title of this praiseworthy contribution of our fellow citizen, Mr. French, to the Historical literature of our State. Eighteen months ago the first part was published, containing many inte resting documents bearing upon the early history of the State; and the 3d part will be soon put to press, should there be sufficient encouragement offered to the present issue, and will contain La Harpe's celebrated journal, translated, an account of Louisiana about 1760, an account of the Natchez war, &c. &c. Part 2d contains: 1. An account of the Louisiana Historical Society; being a description of its origin and history, its constitution, members, proceedings, correspondences, &c., with some account of the researches by John Perkins in Europe, and by Senor Gayangos in Spain. 2. Judge Ballard on the death of Judge Martin. 3. Forstall's Digest of all the French pa. pers in relation to Louisiana. This alone is worth many times the price of the book. 4. An original Letter of Hernando de Soto. 5. A recently discovered Manuscript in relation to De Soto. 6. A gentleman of Elvas' account of De Soto's Expedition. 7. Daniel Coxe's account of the Missis sippi and Carolina. 8. Marquette and Joliet's Voyage. 9. A very ancient and curious Map of Louisiana. Each of these parts of Mr. French's collections are distinct and independent volumes, and we trust that the small edition which has been printed of the 2d, will be immediately exhausted by orders from every portion of the State. The price is very reasonable, and the book may be had of Norman. 5. THE NEW ORLEANS BOOK. This is an elegant volume, illustrated and Embracing translations of many rare and gilded, and admirably suited for presentation valuable documents, relating to the natural, in the holiday times It contains extracts civil and political history of that State, com- from the most distinguished writers of Loupiled with historical and biographical notes, isiana, and a few copies yet remain at Steel's, and an introduction by B. F. French, mem-Norman's, and at our office. |