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festly evident throughout the East, from the Ganges to the Euphrates, the Danube to the Bosphorus in the blow given to her prestige, and the supposition every where entertained that she had neither the will, or power, to resist aggression, or to enforce obligations, however binding in their nature to which she was a party. Those accustomed to Asiatics and Eastern tribes, and people of every denomination and religion will easily understand the serious evils to which Great Britain would have been exposed had they permitted such a contingency to arise, and the heavy sacrifices that would have proved the inevitable result had the Government adopted any other course than that which it has pursued. In India, it is impossible to foretel what would have been the consequences, and, at least, one great advantage has already arisen upon the Continent, in its exhibiting that England will not evade obligations she has contracted, and that if called upon to resist an aggressive policy on the part of Russia, or any other Power, in defence of her honour, safety, or material interests she will not fail resolutely to do so.

It is earnestly to be hoped, the British nation will remember this new serious danger from which they have escaped, and call to mind that as we drifted into the Crimean War, owing to the want of firmness and resolution on the part of the existing Government at the time, so we may again by a timid policy become involved in a yet more calamitous, and desperate contest. The best and surest guarantee against so heavy a misfortune is the promptness with which the spirit and determination of the country should be firmly manifested at the commencement, and not left till war has become inevitable. Among the best informed Russians, and even among those of the Imperial household, and the very few in his confidence, not a dissentient opinion will be found, that had this course been adopted towards the Emperor Nicholas, as it was by Lord Palmerston in 1836, on the question of the evacuation of the fortresses on the Danube after the indemnity for the War of 1828 had been paid, the Crimean War would have never occurred. In the meanwhile, whatever may prove the result of the Conference, should it take place, it is evident that both Turkey and Austria are resolved not to be taken by surprise, measures being silently yet securely taken to be prepared for any emergency that might arise, and in the event of any aggression on the part of the Moscovite Government, they would find the Army and Navy of the former power in a very different state to what they were during the contest in the Crimea, the activity and energy of the present Sultan, having, since his accession to the throne, effected reforms which will render the Turk a hard and formidable adversary to contend with. The Artillery is excellent, the Staff have been greatly improved, the more particularly since the suppression of the rebellion in Crete, and though the regi

mental officers are deficient, with a race so hardy, brave, and docile, good leaders would accomplish a great deal, and they would not be wanting. It is to be hoped the British Government will equally not be behind hand in following the example of those Powers, with whom, should failure result from the Conference, they would then be brought into close alliance.

Lord Russell has recommended the embodying of one hundred thousand Militia, and the country are waiting with some degree of anxiety the scheme which Mr. Cardwell has promised on the Assembly of Parliament. Whatever lessons the war has afforded the English nation as well as himself, he will do well to remember what French, and Germans have equally admitted from its commencement, and which both have more emphatically ratified since the recent sanguinary conflicts on the Loire, and before Paris in the late sorties, viz.: that the fighting has always been made by the Regulars with the exception of a few batallions of Mobiles, and where the latter has had success, it has been owing to their being well organized and efficiently officered.

MEMOIR OF FIELD-MARSHAL LORD CLYDE.

(Continued.)

Campbell's ejection from India was a great mistake, political as well as military. The irritation and discontentment of the natives of that country were rapidly rising to serious dimensions under the genius of misrule. Goaded on all hands by oppression and injustice, they sought for an opportunity to avenge themselves. Wisdom they saw had departed from the councils of their abitrary rulers; but although wisdom had departed there remained, thanks mainly to the energetic measures of the discarded soldier, the shadow of a military power which kept them in awe; for they believed the shadow to be a real substance, which at a moment's notice would be hurled down upon them with a force that must annihilate them. For a time, therefore, they could only repine at the sadness of their lot, and cast about them for the means of improving it. Patient under suffering, and subtle in design, they held their counsel and endured their wrong until the everexpected moment should arrive to wreak a vengeance which they never despaired of.

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Slumbering England little dreamt that events were rapidly hastening to the end the natives of India were longing for. bright day of peace seemed for ever to have settled upon the

Western World. The horrid clash of arms with which our fathers were so familiar in the early days of the century, seemed to have died away and been supplanted by the busy hum of trade and industry. Wars shall be no more said some, who walked through the length and breadth of the land to denounce the iniquity of the soldier's trade; and those to whom the efficiency of Britain's glorious army was entrusted, fighting doggedly in a war of words against those insane peace-preachers, acted upon the belief that if wars should not be no more, the mere name of the English soldier would be sufficient to overawe malcontents and keep the peace of the world. The lessons of Affghanistan and the Punjaub, bitter and humiliating as they had been, were no sooner learnt than forgotten. One thing was clear, and that was the only thing that was cared for. The stern valour that had closed with the foe at Waterloo, and in all the grand actions of the Peninsula, and had so signally brought about his overthrow, had shown itself in its most brilliant lustre both at Jellalabad and Chillianwallah, and that said they who held supreme military command in England was enough. Blinded then by the fact that they could raise soldiers, as good on the field of battle as the soldiers of Waterloo, Blenheim, or Agincourt, the authorities forgot that it was also their duty to provide leaders who could be substituted for the men who governed the army on these glorious fields. For the soldier they trusted to the nation, and they were not deceived; for the general the nation trusted to them and the system they had so long petted and bolstered up, and it hoped not to be deceived. In how few years was it awoke from the fatal dream in which it had

slumbered?

Campbell's return to England was a return to inactivity and uselessness. No field was offered to him for the display of his military talents, no demand was made upon his experience. Peace reigned at home, the long peace that had reigned for more than a generation; and during that fatal reign listlessness had subverted activity, anxious care and forethought had given place to routine, and the military affairs of the country were stagnant if they were not declining. There was no room in the administration for the exertions of our last tried soldiers; there was no demand for their advice and co-operation, for it was assumed by the authorities that advice was not needed because the system they represented was perfect.

Campbell was placed on the half-pay list of colonels, and left to enjoy the solaces of London military clubs and the gossip of his old military friends. For more than a year he fretted under this separation from the duties he loved so well, anxiously waiting and hoping that another chance of active service would arrive. The otium cum dignitate which has such a transcendent charm for too many of our military leaders was neither ease nor diguity for him, for the first article in his creed and the first maxim

upon which he had always acted, was that ease could have no dignity. Great as was his skill, it was his still greater energy to which Campbell owed his success in war and his apparent failure in life. Like his friend Sir Charles Napier, he was restless in the performance of his duty when duty was to be performed; and when there was no duty that energy could not slumber. It must seek for and find employment at any cost. Work, good honest work among the gallant soldiers with whom his life had been passed, and for whose welfare he had toiled and thought with more than paternal anxiety, was his craving. More than sixty years of toil and warfare had not yet quenched the spirit. of the boy who struggled through the retreat to Corunna, and led the stormers of San Sebastian in that terrible death struggle; more than forty years of cruel disappointment and blighted hope had not disgusted the man who could on more than one occasion point to his own efforts as the turn of the tide of victory; neglect for himself, and high-sounding honours and titles for others who were less deserving of them than he might for a moment bring a dark cloud over his brow; but in the darkest moments the brave and faithful nature of Colin Campbell held true to his country and his profession.

In the spring of 1854, the impending Russian War offered employment to the British Army. Campbell immediately applied for a command. In a sense his application was successful. He was appointed a brigadier under His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, whose division then assembling at Scutari was composed of the Guards and Highlanders. Sir Colin landed at Scutari from the Tonning,' on the 23rd April, and assumed command of the brigade of Highlanders.

Years have now gone by, and England has recovered through the patriotism of Englishmen from the sharp pangs of humiliation. with which the Crimean War afflicted her. We have discovered the extent of the folly which then regulated our actions, and we have since been struggling to atone for that folly; but despite our every effort it shall still remain deeply graven on the page of history that military imbecility then conducted England's military affairs, and these misguided affairs were only saved from the most frightful collapse by the valour of England's soldiery, and the wealth and determination of the English people. Of such an appointment as Campbell's it is impossible to speak in too severe terms. Of all the men sent on that expedition he was the most tried on the field of battle. As a commander he had often proved and never once forfeited his title to the possession of consummate skill; as a leader his bravery had been conspicuous in the sight of the army for nearly half a century; yet the system which doomed him to obscurity in early manhood, and cast him aside in the full ripeness of his maternity now placed him subordinate to one whose only claim to command was the

tradition that England's army must be directed by England's aristocracy, and he was a prince. George, Duke of Cambridge, unborn for years after Campbell's reputation was made and acknowledged, had never seen seen a shot fired in action, yet the war-bred veteran of the Peninsula and India was placed under his control and bidden to obey his commands, and that too in the moment of conflict with the most stubborn and determined enemy that the British ever encountered.

But that the sequel proves that England meant to fight, those who read the early history of the Eastern expedition would be led to the conclusion that British troops were sent to the East for the mere purpose of perfecting themselves in parade movements which their barrack-yards at home were not suffciently large to admit of. From the first the proper duties of a general were not understood; organization being neglected for regimental instruction. To teach the soldier to stand upright and keep his feet inclining outwards at a given angle when stationary, or to move with rigid exactness in the execution of any manœuvre, are in the English service the highest efforts of the drillsergeants; the commissioned officers are not expected to perform them, it being assumed that their duties are of a higher character; yet it would seem from the nature of their occupation during the summer that the greatest hope of the commanders was to emulate the achievements of their drill instructors. Regiments which had been passed as perfect on their parades at home, and which contained in their ranks generally old soldiers of many years' service were to be treated as recruits; was such a course necessary for the soidier or the officer, or in their first duy were both equally at fault? We need not stop to answer the question; one result of having to teach or at least to practice military evolutions was to leave the organization of the army and its material requirements completely forgotten. After many superb reviews, made up of parade movements and fashioned by military pedantry; marches and counter-marches, changes of position from healthy encampments to sickly ones, and from sickly ones to more sickly ones, the unfortunate army was called upon to face the enemy.

* One remembers now with pain the incidents which charmed the English mind at the period of which we are speaking. Reporting one of the reviews at which Campbell and his brigade took a prominent part, the correspondent of the Morning Herald says, "As the allied generals came upon the ground all the regiments of the division saluted. Both Omar Pacha and St. Arnaud inspected them with a keen and critical glance which soon changed to one of open admiration. The Duke who was justly proud of his splendid division, took the command and put them through their manoeuvres; and it is needless to say how they were performed. After a short time the whole division with the attached batteries of artillery marched past the generals, the Guards leading. Though the ground was by no means such as one would choose for the place on which to display the marching of troops, yet neither the Household Brigade nor the Highlanders ever showed to greater advantage than on that morning. Omar Pacha, addressing St. Arnaud, said in French, Did you ever see such troops, Marshal? I did not believe that in the armies of Europe a division like this was to be found.' To which the Marshal

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