King Amadeo, and his new friends will make no small stir in the Chambers on account of his treatment. But the Duke dealt the severest reproof to the Ministry, when he gave them his reason for declining the proffered passage to Majorca. "He was not," he said, "absolutely without means, and as the national treasury had of late got very low, he could not think of burdening it; he would go to his place of exile without trial, but he would bear the expense of his journey himself; and so, praying that Heaven would preserve the illustrious Minister, he had the honour to kiss his hands," &c., &c., in the most approved style of Spanish compliment.

Things remain very much as they were, between the Italian Government and the Pope. His Holiness is not inclined to oblige his adversaries. He will take no steps at all, so they have no chance of advantage from his taking a false one. The news that the Ultramontane party has greatly strengthened itself of late in the new German Parliament, disquiets the Ministry amazingly. They know well that they have fallen under the displeasure of Bismarck, and they know also that he would readily sacrifice them to the hate of the German Ultramontanes, should it appear expedient to him to do so. Their historic learning, too, though so not profound as it might be, still reveals to them the unpleasant fact, that the Empire of Frederick Barbarossa included Italy; and as a few red-headed and blue-eyed mountaineers are still to be found in the Apennines, even down to Calabria, they fear that some German Professor may one day claim them all as "estranged brethren," in which case Rome and Naples may look to be ruled by the sword by some amiable soldier of the Falkenstein order. Hence they are exceedingly anxious to come to terms with the tenant of the Vatican, and are quite ready to promise anything. But even if their promises could be relied on-and I should not like to say that they could-Non possumus would be the only answer. On the other hand, as one crumb of comfort, they assert that they have settled their mighty difference with Tripoli without making the acquaintanee of Hobart Pacha.

Last but not least, Russia has had it all her own way in your London Conference, and, if report speaks truly, she has a good many ships in the Black Sea that can very soon be made fit for service, though up to the present time they are only merchantmen. By pure accident, they have been very stoutly built. Russia still wants a little money-a trifle of twelve millions or so-just to complete a few more of those duplicate lines of railway that are so unnecessary for commerce, but so useful for war; and then, as they say, she will be ready for all eventualities, and can help Prussia to keep the peace of the world.

EDITOR'S PORTFOLIO;

OR,

NAVAL AND MILITARY REGISTER.

The Black Sea Conference has ended just as might have been expected, in giving Russia permission to deal as she pleases in the matter of her renewed preparations for solving the Eastern Question. By way of saving appearances, the assembled diplomatists have put on record a declaration, that no one Power can of its own accord withdraw from its engagements without the sanction of the rest, but they all very well know that the declaration is not worth the paper that it is written on. Before the breaking out of the war, Prussia had acted thus in the matter of the Treaty of Prague-at all events the only difference between openly refusing to abide by a stipulation and neglecting to fulfil it, is, that the former is the least dishonest course of the twoand Russia has imitated her. Each of these offenders against the known public right of Europe has carried his point, and will any one pretend to say, that their success will render them more observant of treaty obligations than before? It would open a wide field for conjecture, were we to speculate on what may be the next step in the course of the two mighty Empires, but one thing is certain, and that is, that the system of public law that has been gradually growing up for the last three hundred years, and which, it was fondly hoped, had at last attained a degree of stability that made it safe for all future time, is in danger of utter extinction.

Our Ministry are beginning to retrace their steps in the way of Army and Navy reduction, and they find themselves obliged to ask for a greater additional sum for one branch only of the United Services, than has been saved by all their economical projects of the last two years. The excuse made for them is, that they did not foresee the war that was to break out, which, if true, is only pleading guilty to such culpable blindness as few men would care to acknowledge who aspire to direct the affairs of an Empire, which was not quite "effaced" a year or two ago, however far on

But it

the road Liberal mismanagement may have since led it. evidently is not true. The Blue Books lately laid before Parliament show conclusively that our Ministers and agents abroad took note of the rising jealousy of France and Prussia, and saw that a struggle for empire, such as has now occurred, was inevitable, the only thing uncertain being the question of time. The modern Machiavel, having fully prepared himself, adroitly put France apparently in the wrong, and then commenced a course of rapine, which had been as deliberately planned against the wealth of France, as vulgar burglars plan how they may poison watchdogs, or drill holes in steel shutters. Success has crowned his efforts, and the success of such an enterprise is far more of a "standing menace" to all wealthy nations, than ever Sebastopol was to Turkey, though that was enough to plunge us into a war that doubled the Income Tax, and added some forty millions to the National Debt. If we are wise enough to learn from the fate of unhappy France, we shall think even greater sacrifices than these well made, so that they preserve our soil from miseries such as she has endured, and has still in store. Even the Manchester school are without excuse, if they neglect this. National honour of course, goes for nothing with them, but "wealth" and " trade" go for a good deal; and they may ask themselves, how much of either should we have left, if half a million peace-loving Germans, directed by Moltke and Bismarck, had nothing more formidable to encounter than our existing armaments. If it is their wish to be assailed, we can remain as we are, or, better still, dispense with armaments altogether, which would allow something like a reduction in the forthcoming Budget; but if that is considered too dangerous a game to play, we must go on the other tack, and prepare to give a good account of ourselves to every possible aggressor. Most likely we shall then have

none.

A five nights' debate could hardly fail to convince Ministers that such a subject as Army Organization was not to be driven through the Commons by the mere weight of a tyrant majority; and accordingly, as the price of the second reading of Mr. Cardwell's bill, they express their readiness to re-model their propositions. This is just what was to be expected, as it is no longer the fashion for a Government to come forward with some U. S. MAG., No. 509, APRIL, 1871.

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well-considered plan of their own, and stake their tenure of office on its success. On the contrary, the crudest fancies are brought out with a grand flourish of trumpets, and when they are found to be utterly worthless, the opposite party has to find a substitute, and at the same time to bear the reproach of "obstructing all improvement," "encouraging extravagant outlay," &c., &c. These tactics are now being employed on a large scale, and it behoves all who have the real interest and safety of the Empire at heart, to be "up and doing" to defeat them. The professed objects of Mr. Trevelyan and his small but noisy clique are, as Lord Elcho tersely said, "the abolition of Purchase and the Duke of Cambridge." Both the Duke and the institution occupy positions of some importance in the State, and it would not be unreasonable to expect that those who call on us to "abolish" either, should have some tolerable substitute to take their places. Of course, Mr. Trevelyan would be quite ready to be both Secretary at War and Commander-in-Chief, and possibly Premier into the bargain -a highly "economical" arrangement, if the country could but be prevailed on to accept of it; but what is the substitute for the Purchase system, when we have spent our £12,000,000 or £20,000,000 in getting rid of it? Selection," it seems; but as we cannot always have the benefit of Mr. Trevelyan's guidance, and so escape all possible suspicion of favour or sinister influence, it would be a dangerous path to tread. Indeed, it may be doubted whether even Mr. Trevelyan himself would be able to satisfy the whole of his numerous clients; so what hope remains for less talented mortals? No; the only substitute for Purchase must be Seniority, and we see in the case of the Navy and the Scientific Corps how that works. Purchase may not be defensible on principle, but if so, it is only one of many theoretic anomalies which endure by virtue of their practical uses, and it has given to the nation a body of Officers equal to any in the world, who serve their country mainly at their own cost. What other system even proposes to do this? Take, for instance, the "promotion from the ranks," which is such a special piece of claptrap for amateur Army Reformers. At present, the men raised from the ranks have an outfit provided for them, and as their number is not large, the cost is but inconsiderable; but the case would be very different if the nation had to provide in this manner for three-fourths, if not all, its officers. Supposing, which we are by

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no means inclined to believe, that the new race of officers should turn out as well as the present, it is self-evident that they would cost more-and "economists" may be asked whether it is good policy to make ducks and drakes of many millions in trying the experiment. The results of the Indian Amalgamation ought to be a warning to us, that very plausible-looking schemes have an irresistible tendency to break down when brought to the test of practice. One such failure ought to make us cautious, more especially at the present time, when we need all our resources to meet the altered circumstances that must result from the creation of a new and gigantic Military Power. It is decidedly an unfit time to reconstruct the system which has hitherto served us so well; let us be content with augmenting our personnel and matériel, and the system will take care of itself.

It

Whatever plan of Army Organization may be determined on, an important part in it must be assigned to the Volunteers. Their present system has existed long enough for its defects to be fully seen, and it is clear that an entire change is necessary. is with pleasure that we notice that the Volunteers themselves are fully alive to this, as is evidenced by the letter of " A Commanding Officer," which we printed a short time ago, and we have now further confirmation of the fact, in some very appropriate remarks addressed to his corps by a Volunteer Officer who, as the indefatigable agent of the National Society for the Relief of the Sick and Wounded, has looked a War of Invasion steadily in the face, and has seen the absolute necessity of the "drill and discipline" which Volunteers in general think so unnecessary. He was of that opinion once himself, and he deserves commendation for the moral courage that shrinks not from telling wholesome, though unpalatable truths.

Mr. John Furley, whose name must be familiar to our readers, is Captain of the 29th (Ashford) Kent Rifle Volunteers, and as a Knight of St. John, he has witnessed the Danish and (we believe also) the Seven Weeks' War. He went to France as soon as the late war broke out, and remained there actively employed until after the re-opening of Paris. Early last month he paid a short visit to England, in the course of which he addressed to his corps the observations, part of which we subjoin, and he is now

* See United Service Magazine, Jan., 1871, p. 122.