strength, as his fame was the pride of the people. [JULY, 1850. Mr. WHITE moved that the blank in the resolution of the Senate (for the appointment of a committee) be filled with the number 13. Ordered accordingly, and the following gentlemen were appointed by the Chair to constitute said committee, viz.: Messrs. CONRAD, McDOWELL, WINTHROP, BISSELL, DUER, Orr, BRECK, STRONG, VINTON, CABELL, of Florida, KERR, STANLY, and LITTLEFIELD. The resolution was then unanimously con And, on motion of Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi, the House adjourned until to-morrow at 11 o'clock. I have not risen to dwell upon his exploits, or to recount his many virtues. These can derive no additional lustre from the voice of exaggerated eulogy. Comparison between ZACHARY TAYLOR and celebrated ancients, illustrious in life or death, will neither diminish nor increase his claim to the admiration of mankind. His character was formed on no pre-existing model. Reared amidst the solitudes of a west-curred in. ern wilderness, his principles were fashioned by the precepts of the pioneer, and his career has vindicated their christianity, their wisdom, and their patriotisın. The column is complete. Omniscience has withdrawn the workman. Time and earth have but "the sign and token of the great original. The pencil of history must fill the bold outline for the contemplation of posterity. Great, without pride; cautious, without fear; brave, without rashness; stern, without harshness; modest, without bashfulness; sagacious, without cunning; apt, without flippancy; intelligent, without the pedantry of learning; benevolent, without ostentation; sincere, and honest as the sun, the "noble old Roman" has lain down his harness-his task is done. He has fallen, as falls the summer tree in the bloom of his honors, before the blight of autumn has seared a leaf that adorns it. The image of his great character is indelibly impressed upon the hearts of his countrymen, and the lines thereof, "By just degrees will every moment rise, Fill the wide earth, and gain upon the skies." "None knew him but to love him, To them the beauties of his domestic life re- IN SENATE. THURSDAY, July 11.. Election of President pro tem. The SECRETARY called the Senate to order at 11 o'clock. Mr. DICKINSON. Mr. Secretary, I am aware that, in the course I am about to pursue, I differ from that which is prescribed by our rules. I trust, however, for the sake of despatch, and in view of the good feeling which prevails in this body, that unanimous consent will be given to it. I, therefore, move that the Senior Senator from Alabama, the honorable WILLIAM R. KING, be appointed President pro tem. of this body. Mr. BERRIEN. Mr. Secretary, I desire to express for myself my entire assent to the resolution which has been offered by the Senator with unanimous acceptance on the part of the from New York, and I trust that it will meet Senate. The motion was unanimously agreed to. chair by Messrs. DICKINSON and BERRIEN, rose Mr. KING, having been conducted to the and said: SENATORS: Words could but feebly express the warm and gratified feelings which have penetrated my heart by this manifestation of played by the representatives of the sovereign kindness and confidence, so unanimously disStates of this Union. Had it been the pleasure of my political friends to have placed me in this distinguished position, it would have been to have felt, as I trust I shall always feel in every me a source of gratification and pride. I should situation in which I may be placed, that there was imposed upon me a solemn obligation to discharge the duties of the position with faithfulness and impartiality. How much higher, then, Senators, is the obligation imposed upon me to discharge these duties with the utmost faithfulness and impartiality, when I am called to this place by no political party, by no sectional feeling, but by the unanimous expression of the wishes of the Senators in Congress assembled. While I preside here I shall endeavor to enforce mildly, but firmly, and I trust impartially, all the rules for the government of this JULY, 1850.] Committee of Arrangements. [31ST CONG. body. I shall endeavor to apply the parlia- | and the fierce collisions of conflicting opinions. mentary law as it is laid down in the books, In these respects he was the admirable protoupon every occasion, believing, as I honestly type of the hero of Buena Vista. do, from long experience and observation, that it is promotive of the harmony of the body and of sound legislation. Should I err, I look to my brother Senators, in a spirit of kindness, to correct my errors. To such corrections I shall always submit with the greatest pleasure. Committee of Arrangements. Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. President, the report just made having brought up again to the attention of the Senate the death of the late President of the United States, and being absent yesterday when the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Downs) made his eloquent and appropriate address, and offered his resolutions upon that subject that absence having been occasioned by the fact that I was appointed as one of the committee on the part of the Senate to wait upon Mr. FILLMORE, to make arrangements preparatory to his taking the oath of office-I throw myself upon the indulgence of the Senate, and beg permission to make a few remarks. With such a father, and under the influences of the society and circumstances by which General Taylor was surrounded in his boyhood, it would have been indeed strange had he grown up without a strong predilection for military life. Fortunately for his own fame, fortunately for the glory of his country, in youth he put on the armor of a soldier. What followed is well Mr. WEBSTER. Mr. President, the joint com-known history, and needs no repetition here. mittee of the two Houses, appointed yesterday A grateful country, penetrated by a deep to make arrangements for the funeral of the conviction of the intuitive sagacity and elelate President of the United States, have as-vated patriotism of General Taylor, united with sembled this morning, and, as far as practi- military achievements of unsurpassed splendor, cable, have agreed upon a report, which I am and a personal character for truth and honesty directed to present to the Senate. I hope the without a superior, made him Chief Magistrate. Senate will adopt that report in part; for there The providence of God has terminated his are still remaining some subordinate arrange-earthly career, during this the first session of ments to be attended to by the committee. Congress since his inauguration. His father was permitted to live and take an efficient part in accomplishing those measures which relieved Kentucky from the threatened horrors of civil war. The son has been taken hence to the world of spirits, before those agitating questions which now excite Congress and the people, and threaten the destruction of the Govern ment, have been settled. Mysterious Providence! There were thousands and hundreds of thousands of our countrymen, who looked for help in this time of need to the unbending integrity and firmness of purpose which ever characterized our late President. God has taken from them this staff of their reliance. It will be manifested in time whether, the measure of General Taylor's honors and usefulness being full and overflowing, he was removed by the Ruler of the Universe to give place to those equally or better able to calm political dissensions, and to extricate the country from impending dangers, or whether the awful judgments of God are to rest upon us for national sins, and for the want of that wisdom and spirit of conciliation which have heretofore enabled such men as Zachary Taylor to secure national prosperity and happiness. Whatever purposes of the Deity the future may unfold, the present is a day of mourning; and certain I am that no portion of our extensive country will feel more sensibly the general bereavement than the State in which our dead and yet unburied Chief Magistrate spent the morning of his life. Kentucky will long remember and mourn for him as one of her own sons, and as the commander who led her McKee, her Clay, her Hardin, her Barbour, her Willis, and a host of her less distinguished children, to the glorious sacrifice of life, to secure the triumph of their country. I was among the earliest to advocate the election of General Taylor, and, in common with a very large majority of the people of my State, gave him a most cordial support. He had been raised among us. His character was formed and developed by associations with the pioneers of the western wilderness; with those who encountered the difficulties and privations of settling and improving the most fertile region of the globe; and who, almost unaided by Government, relying exclusively upon their own individual resources and energies, successfully resisted the persevering efforts of numerous hordes of warlike savages to expel them from the country. His father, Richard Taylor, a soldier of the Revolution, was eminently qualified to infuse into the mind of his son those sentiments of ardent patriotism and lofty heroism which pervaded all classes with whom Zachary Taylor associated when a boy. Well do I remember that father; for I was associated with him in the Legislature of Kentucky, at a time when questions of constitutional law deeply agitated the entire State, and when rancorous and bitter politicians threatened the public peace, and dared to talk of bloodshed. I remember how conciliatingly, how calmly, and yet how firmly, that father demeaned himself amidst the storms of debate And while we sympathize and condole with the family of the great and good man gone from earth forever, let us indulge the hope that his bright example will be of immense value to succeeding generations, and that his spirit with kindred spirits now constitute a blessed society in Heaven. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the report of the committee was concurred in. On motion of Mr. ATCHISON, it was ordered that when the Senate adjourns, it adjourn to meet on Saturday at 11 o'clock. On motion of Mr. DICKINSON, the Secretary of the Senate was directed to inform the President of the United States and the House of Representatives that the Senate have appointed a President pro tem. The following order was observed in the burial of the late President of the United States: The Military portion of the Funeral Procession of Saturday is worthy of a special notice. It was anticipated that many volunteer companies, and indeed military men generally, would be anxious to attend the obsequies of the illustrious Chieftain and President of the Republic; and this anticipation was fully realized. Baltimore contributed largely and patriotically to the military display, than which we never witnessed a more imposing one in this city. Tho whole was under the command of the distinguished GENERAL-IN-CHIEF of the United States Army, whose manly form and martial bearing, mounted as he was on a noble charger, and surrounded by a numerous staff, attracted all eyes, as the funeral cortege moved solemnly from the Presidential Mansion to Congress Burying Ground. From a favorable and commanding position that we occupied, at the corner of one of the cross streets, we noticed the troops marching in slow time, in the following order: Patapsco Riflemen, of Baltimore, Captain SWAIN, preceded by their Band. Independent Greys' Band, of Baltimore. Light Infantry, from Wilmington, Delaware. Taylor Light Infantry, from Catonsville, Maryland, under the command of Lieutenant BROWN, of the Independent Greys, Baltimore. This interesting corps consisted of two companies of youths, who are being educated at St. Timothy Hall. Their uniform was handsome and they were well drilled. [JULY, 1850. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate adjourned. SATURDAY, July 13. The Senate met, in pursuance of resolutions previously adopted, for the purpose of attending, in a body, the funeral services of the late President of the United States; and having performed that duty, and returned to their chamber,* On motion, the Senate adjourned. Maj. Gen. SCOTT, General-in-Chief of the United States Army, and Staff. Marshal of the District of Columbia, and his Aids. Joint Committee of Arrangements on the part of the two Houses of Congress, as follows: German Washington Guards, of Baltimore, Captain HoFF-tended by a groom. MAN. National Greys, of Washington, Captain BACON. A platoon of commissioned officers representing volunteer companies of the fifty-third regiment of Baltimore. A portion of the patriotic volunteer Defenders of Baltimore in the year 1814, with their banner. Amongst them we recognized General ANTHONY MILTENBERGER, JOSEPH K. STAPLETON, and WM. P. MILLS, Esqs. First Baltimore Sharp Shooters, of Baltimore, Captain LILLY. Jackson Guards, of Baltimore. Independent Blues, of Baltimore, Captain SHUTT. Independent Greys, of Georgetown, Captain Goddard. National Guards, of Philadelphia, Captain LYLE. Mount Vernon Guards, of Alexandria, Captain FIELDS. Richmond (Va.) Blues, Lieutenant REGNAULT, accompanied by their Band. Worth Infantry, of York, Pennsylvania. Eagle Artilery, of Baltimore, Captain PHILLIPS. A platoon of officers representing volunteer companies of the fifth regiment of Baltimore. Mounted Carbineers, of Baltimore, Captain S. C. OWINGS. The Marine Band attached to the Washington Navy Yard. Washington Light Infantry, of Washington, Captain TATE. Four companies (C, E, F, G) U. S. Artillery, acting as infantry, under the command, respectively, of Capt BOWEN, Lieutenant DOUBLEDAY, Captain WILLIAMS, Captain BRANNAN, and Lieutenant NICHOLS. 1st Artillery Band, from Fort Columbus, New York. One company of U. S. Flying Artillery, mounted and fully equipped, under the command of Major SEDGWICK, from Fort McHenry, Baltimore. Officers of the United States Navy, in uniform, on foot. Maj. Gen. JONES, commanding the Militia of the District of Columbia, and Staff. VOL. XVI.-37 General Taylor's horse, "Old Whitey," fully caparisoned, attended by a groom. The Family of the late President in three carriages. The Senate of the United States, preceded by its Officers. A representation of the Firemen and of the Temperance Societies of Washington. The Band of the Independent Blues, of Baltimore. It is not extravagant to state that the Procession was from one mile and a half to two miles in length. The line occupied three-quarters of an hour in passing before us. Of the good conduct of the soldiery who formed the military escort at the funeral, it is unnecessary to speak. The United States troops, under Captain BRANNAN, (a native of this city,) Major SEDGWICK, Captain BowEN, and Lieutenant NICHOLS, deported themselves in a soldier-like and becoming manner. The same may be said of the volunteer companies and the young Cadets. The Taylor Infantry, from Catonsville, Maryland, for the most part juvenile, be haved admirably. The arrangements made by the Marshal of the District and the Mayor of the city were admirably carried out by the Aids of the former, and the police officers appointed by the latter. The line of the Funeral Procession was kept clear of carriages and vehicles of every description, as the cortege passed along. No accident occurred, that we have heard of, during the whole day. The Boards of Aldermen and Common Council of the City of Baltimore, at the head of whom was Mayor STANSBURY, of that city, attended the Funeral, and did themselves much honor by their full attendance and dignified deportment. They unfortunately did not arrive until past one o'clock, owing to the breaking of the locomotive, which caused a delay of two hours. They were met by a committee of our City Councils, consisting of Messrs. FRENCH, Maury, Brent [31ST CONG. amendment of Mr. FooTE, proposing to reduce the boundaries of California The PRESIDENT. It has been printed. Mr. CLAY. Mr. President, it is known to the Senate that it has been my hope and expectation that we should dispose of all the amendments either proposed or to be proposed to the bill, and that upon the question of its The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill for the admission of California as a State into the Union, to establish Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico, and making proposals to Texas for the settlement of her west-engrossment I intended, with the permission of ern and northern boundaries. Mr. BUTLER, having the floor, resumed and concluded his remarks commenced on Tuesday last. the Senate, to occupy some portion of its time in taking a rapid review of some of the objections that have been made to the adoption of the measure under consideration, and then to submit it into those hands in which, by the constitution of the country, the responsibility is placed. The events of Saturday, of which we possess information, deprived us of the opThe PRESIDING OFFICER. There is no amend-portunity of employing that day in the conment before the Senate. Several amendments have been laid upon the table, but there have been none offered. Mr. CLAY rose, after a brief pause, and said: Mr. President if there is no other gentleman disposed to speak, I hope we shall take up the amendments and act upon them. Mr. CLAY. Then the question will be on reporting the bill to the Senate. MONDAY, July 22. The PRESIDENT pro tem. laid before the Senate the following communication from the Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER, which was read: WASHINGTON, July 22, 1850. sideration of those amendments which were intended to be submitted, or were yet before the Senate. But as some rather impatient anxiety has been manifested to arrive at the conclusion of this important subject-an anxiety in which, to some extent, I share with others-I have risen this morning to perform a duty toward the committee and to the subject which my position prompts me to endeavor to execute. Mr. President, in the progress of this debate it has been again and again argued that perfect tranquillity reigns throughout the country, and that there is no disturbance threatening its peace, endangering its safety, but that which was produced by busy, restless politicians. It SIR: I have to request that you will lay before has been maintained that the surface of the the Senate the accompanying copy of a communi- public mind is perfectly smooth and undiscation addressed by me to the Governor of Masturbed by a single billow. I most heartily To the Hon. WM. R. KING, sachusetts. With the highest regard, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, DANIEL WEBSTER. wish I could concur in this picture of general tranquillity that has been drawn upon both sides of the Senate. I am no alarmist; nor, I thank God, at the advanced age at which His providence has been pleased to allow me to reach, am I very easily alarıned by any human event; but I totally misread the signs of the times, if there be that state of profound peace and quiet, that absence of all just cause of apprehension of future danger to this confederacy, which appears to be entertained by some other Senators. Mr. President, all the tendencies of the times, I lament to say, are towards disquietude, if not more fatal consequences. When before, in the midst of profound peace with all the nations of the earth, have we seen a convention, representing a considerable portion of one great part of the Republic, meet to deliberate about measures of future safety in connection with great interests of that quarter of the country? When before have we seen, not one, but more-some half a dozen-legis any social festivity, the exchange of mutual civilities and courtesies was characterized by the kindest feelings The Baltimore guests of the Washington Corporation, amongst whom was the President of the Baltimore and Washington Railroad Company, the President of the Baltimore Board of Health, and the President of the Baltimore Board of Alder men, returned to their homes in the extra train that started at half-past seven o'clock. 1ST SESS.] The Compromise Bill. [JULY, 1850. large portion of that committee consisted of gentlemen who had honorably served their country in the highest stations at home and abroad-men of ripe experience, and whose large acquaintance with public affairs entitled them at least to respectful consideration when they were engaged in the holy office-if I may use the expression-of trying to reconcile the discordant parts of this distracted country. lative bodies solemnly resolving that if any one | respect to the humble person who now adof these measures-the admission of California, | dresses you, I may be permitted to say that a the adoption of the Wilmot proviso, of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, -should be adopted by Congress, measures of an extreme character, for the safety of the great interests to which I refer, in a particular section of the country, would be resorted to? For years, this subject of the abolition of slavery, even within this District of Columbia, small as is the number of slaves here, has been a source of constant irritation and disquiet. So of the subject of the recovery of fugitive slaves who have escaped from their lawful owners; not a mere border contest, as has been supposed-although there, undoubtedly, it has given rise to more irritation than in other portions of the Union-but everywhere through the slaveholding country it has been felt as a great evil, a great wrong which required the intervention of Congressional power. But these two subjects, unpleasant as has been the agitation to which they have given rise, are nothing in comparison to those which have sprung out of the acquisitions recently made from the Republic of Mexico. These are not only great and leading causes of just apprehension as respects the future, but all the minor circumstances of the day intimate danger ahead, whatever may be its final issue and consequence. Mr. President, I will not dwell upon other concomitant causes, all having the same tendency, and all well calculated to awaken, to arouse us-if, as I hope the fact is, we are all of us sincerely desirous of preserving this Union -to rouse us to dangers which really exist, without underrating them upon the one hand, or magnifying them upon the other. It was in this stage, or state, rather, of the Republic, that my friend from Mississippi, (Mr. FOOTE,) Something more than four months ago, made a motion for the appointment of a committee of thirteen. Unlike what occurred at an analogous period of the Republic, when it was my duty to make a similar motion in the other end of the Capitol, and when, on account of the benefits which might result from the reconciliation of a distracted country, the proposition was immediately adopted-on the present occasion, unlike what occurred at that historical period, the proposition of the honorable Senator from Mississippi was resisted from day to day, from week to week, for four or five weeks. An experiment to restore the harmony of the country met with the most determined and settled resistance, as if the measures which the committee might report, whatever might be its character, would not still be under the power and control of the Senate, to be disposed of by it according to its own best judgment. Finally, however, the motion prevailed. Well, the committee was finally raised and went out. Of its composition it does not become me to speak, nor is it necessary to say any thing. The country, the Senate will judge of that. Without, however, saying a word in | It has been objected against this measure that it is a compromise. It has been said that it is a compromise of principle, or of a principle. Mr. President, what is a compromise? It is a work of mutual concession-an agreement in which there are reciprocal stipulations -a work in which, for the sake of peace and concord, one party abates his extreme demands in consideration of an abatement of extreme demands by the other party; it is a measure of mutual concession-a measure of mutual sacrifice. Undoubtedly, Mr. President, in all such measures of compromise, one party would be very glad to get what he wants, and reject what he does not desire, but which the other party wants. But when he comes to reflect that, from the nature of the Government and its operations, and from those with whom he is dealing, it is necessary upon his part, in order to secure what he wants, to grant something to the other side, he should be reconciled to the concession which he has made, in consequence of the concession which he is to receive, if there is no great principle involved, such as a violation of the Constitution of the United States. I admit that such a compromise as that ought never to be sanctioned or adopted. But I now call upon any Senator in his place to point out from the beginning to the end, from California to New Mexico, a solitary provision in this bill which is violative of the Constitution of the United States. Sir, adjustment in the shape of compromise may be made without producing any such consequences as have been apprehended. There may be a mutual forbearance. You forbear upon your side to insist upon the application of the restriction denominated the Wilmot proviso. Is there any violation of principle there? The most that can be said, even assuming the power to pass the Wilmot proviso, which is denied, is that there is a forbearance to exercise, not a violation of, the power to pass the proviso. So, upon the other hand, if there was a power in the Constitution of the United States authorizing the establishment of slavery in any of the Territories-a power, however, which is controverted by a large portion of this Senate-if there was a power under the constitution to establish slavery, the forbearance to exercise that power is no violation of the constitution, any more than the constitution is violated by a forbearance to exercise numerous powers that might be specified that are granted in the constitution, and that re |