The CARE packages which we send as individual Americans to an individual in Poland is almost equaled in its tax to the cost of the package in this country. This I know, because I have too many people in my district sending them.

The package that you are talking about under Public Law 480 is distributed a different way. It is purchased. The list is made out by the Government of Poland. You can't tell me that the person who is on that list is the type of person I want to receive Public Law 480 surplus goods even under loan. I will take my chances under the CARE.

The third point I would like to bring up is on page 7, where the NCWC had to cancel the distribution of the entire amount of goods stored in the harbor there after being collected in this country, because of its inability to pay the tax-had to be redistributed and re-sent to the other sections of Europe.

Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Mikolajczyk, did you have something more you wanted to say?

Mr. MIKOLAJCZYK. Mr. Chairman, I would be very grateful to you, if you would allow me. I want to state only one thing. Congressman Zablocki misunderstood me. I think there is in this room no misunderstanding about one thing: about the willingness to help the Polish people and with its concern to help the Polish people. For a moment, I wouldn't be against help for the Polish people. It is impossible. I have been a volunteer three times in the war as a common soldier. I couldn't speak against the interests of the Polish people. But what I am stating is this: I am against the help which is completely monopolized by the Communist regime. I think there is no misunderstanding.

About the letters-what Congressman McDowell told about the experience of the CARE representatives-I haven't any doubt that the CARE representative is doing the best thing in Poland to the best of his abilities. What I would like to emphasize is that previously I could go in Washington to the CARE office, give a private address in Poland, and the parcels would be delivered to this private address. Today it is not so. That is the difference. And this difference occurred during the last years when help was given to the Polish Communist government.

About the camps, I could say that one of the organized diversive actions of the Communists against the exiles in France, in Belgium, in Great Britain, was luring the Polish children to the Communist children's camps in Poland. The Communists are taking Polish children to their camps in Poland, inviting them, paying for them the travel expenses and 2 months' stay in the camps. In these camps aps the children receive Communist indoctrination. As you see, CARE has to help the children in the camps and so is paying millions for the purpose that the Polish Government could lure to Poland the Polish children from exile. There is no limit for the Polish Communist regime to pay the expenses and the indoctrination of Polish children from abroad.

Mr. MCDOWELL. Are there many of them going into the camps? Mr. MIKOLAJCZYK. Unfortunately, there are still some, not many, because a committee of Poles has been organized. Children's camps have been put up in France and Belgium, Great Britain, and other countries to counteract these Communist actions. I want to tell you another thing. Recently they are inviting Poles from abroad for a big meeting in Poland from all over the world, and the majority have been promised that they will pay nothing. You can get a round-trip ticket from an organization in Warsaw for $180 from the United States, or from Great Britain to Warsaw for $30. Who pays for these expenses running into millions? Isn't it the Polish Communist regime? Thank you very much.

Mr. MONAGAN. We thank you very much, Mr. Mikolajczyk, for coming down and giving us the benefit of your experience and your information. I assure you that your testimony has been most helpful

to us.

Mr. MIKOLAJCZYK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I apologize for the typographical errors in my statement, which I would like to correct with your permission, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. MONAGAN. If there is no objection, I would like to put in the record, subject to verification of the staff, at the point where I was discussing with Mr. Mikolajczyk the extent of aid from the United States to Poland at the present time and over the past 5 years, a table showing just what that aid is.

Mr. MIKOLAJCZYK. Could I correct my statement?

Mr. MONAGAN. Yes. We will be glad to have you confer with the staff before its submission.

We also have with us today Mr. Jan Karski, who is a former member of the Polish underground movement, now a professor at Georgetown University.

Mr. Karski, we would be glad to hear your statement at this time.

STATEMENT OF PROF. JAN KARSKI, GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY

Mr. KARSKI. I am very proud of being invited to testify here. Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Karski, could you give us a brief biography of yourself before you start?

Mr. KARSKI. I was born in 1914 in Poland, where I finished my studies. In 1938 I joined the Polish diplomatic service; fought in the war as a second lieutenant; taken war prisoner to the Soviet Union; escaped from Russia and joined the Polish underground movement. Then I served as a courier between the Polish Government-inexile and the Polish authorities in Poland.

On my last mission I was sent to the United States to report to the President of the United States. Upon my return to London on my way back to Poland, Prime Minister Mikolajczyk decided not to send me to Poland, since German intelligence had too much information on me and my activities. He agreed that I return to the United States to speak about the situation in Europe and Poland.

In 1944 I wrote a book, "Story of a Secret." At the time of the American recognition of the Polish Government in Warsaw I was at the Polish Embassy in Washington with all others, resigned, and, then, since 1949, established my residence in this country. Since 1952 I teach at Georgetown University, presently as an associate professor. The American-Polish relations recently became a matter of controversy. Believing that this is a result of a certain confusion in evaluating the situation in Poland, I take this opportunity to state how I see it. I am very grateful for the invitation to testify and I am sorry that I will have to speak from my notes and not a prepared

text.

Poland lost its independence in 1939 and so far did not recover it. First it had been partitioned between the collaborating Nazis and the Soviets, then it was entirely overrun by Germany. By 1944, the eastern half of its territory was reincorporated by the Soviets while the rest of it had been occupied by the Red army. As a result the Soviet-imposed Communist government took over. Thus, not only Poland lost its independence, also the Polish people have to suffer a regime hostile to the national heritage, supported by and dependent on Moscow, condemned by the great majority of the population.

The Polish Communist regime has no willing, voluntary support of the population. Each general election was either falsified or enforced. Each time the voters had been presented with one ballot. No election since 1947 reflected in any way the true feeling or the will of the people.

The changes since 1956 had been caused by the pressure from below and not willingness of Mr. Gomulka or his subordinates. Mr. Gomulka and his subordinates are faithful Communists, followers of Marxism-Leninism, devoted agents of international communism seeking the confidence of and entrusted with the confidence by Moscow. Since 1956, Gomulka himself and his regime have had the support of Moscow. Probably afraid of another Hungary, probably realizing that Stalinist rigidity could not be successfully applied in some areas of the Soviet bloc-mainly in Poland-trusting ideological faithfulness and loyalty of Gomulka, the men in the Kremlin decided to exercise their control over Poland through Gomulka and his followers. True, in some respects the methods of Gomulka's regime are different from the previous ones. However, he pursues the same goals, professes the same creed and is as much hostile to the United States as Bierut or Stalin, as Molotov or Khrushchev. There is a tremendous amount of misinformation in the United States, spread from Warsaw and Moscow, on the subject of the origins and nature of the Gomulka regime and the relations between the Warsaw and the Soviet Governments.

As to the American aid to Poland, the essential question to be answered is "Why do we want to help the Poles?" We want to raise the standards of living of the Polish people, victims of the erroneous policies of their Communist government. In the last 20 years, the Poles received many and terrible blows, coming from many sides. Beaten and conquered by both hostile neighbors, they had been humiliated; the number of murdered, deported, and lost goes into millions; they had been abandoned by their allies contrary to the treaty obligations; they were betrayed by their enemies and friends alike; the Teheran and Yalta agreements deprived them of almost 50 percent of their national area. Americans feel dutybound to help them materially and it is a noble duty in line with the American tradition of humanitarianism and generosity.

We also want to contribute to the loosening of the Communist controls over the population. Many feel that this will result from our economic aid, cultural exchange, and international contacts.

We want to strengthen Poland as far as its relations with the Soviet Union are concerned. Many think that since Gomulka and his sub

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ordinates represent an "independent," "national," "liberal" communism-the aid given to Poland, even through its Communist government, will make Poland less dependent on Moscow. In all instances the Americans have no selfish motives in trying to help Poland.

We should, however, also keep in mind that the Polish Communists, led by Gomulka, have also goals of their own. What are they?

The Polish Communists are in trouble and they want to use the "capitalist America" as Lenin so successfully did in the early 1920's, as Stalin did in the years 1941-47, as Malenkov tried to do in 1953-55, or as Khrushchev is trying to do now.

They want to gain an opportunity to spread their propaganda, to confuse and weaken the American public opinion, to obtain the moral recognition from and to impose their influence over the Americans of Polish descent and Polish postwar political exiles, to obtain new opportunities for espionage, subversion, and infiltration, to weaken the United States from within.

They want to create a belief in Poland that the United States considers the situation in Poland as normal and permanent, that it approves of their authority by not only tolerating them formally but by actually collaborating with them and extending an impressive aid to them.

Do the Polish Communist rulers have at heart the needs of the Polish people? Yes; but only when they are in line with their political goals. From the Communist standpoint the present generation is a manure for the future ones. Whenever there is a choice between the interest of the state machinery or the party and the needs of the people-always the first receives the precedence.

So, as we see, there are basic differences between our goals and those of the Warsaw regime. Consequently, I think it would be prudent to accept the following attitudes:

1. We should not be interested in strengthening, directly or indirectly, Poland's Communist controlled military machine. Neither should we engage ourselves in long-range investments, as Congressman Zablocki wisely stated in his report of July 12, 1961.

2. The Polish Communist regime should be allowed to purchase or receive only such goods which raise the standard of living of the masses: food, medicines, clothing, agricultural equipment, books, and the like.

3. We should insist as much as possible that our goods go directly to the people, distributed by reputable social or church organizations. The goods, if distributed by the Communists, first will go to the party rank-and-file, then to the security organs, then to the Government bureaucracy, armed forces, and so forth. The people, whom we have in mind, will be at the end of the list.

4. We should encourage sending individual parcels from the United States to Poland. There are tremendous possibilities in this field because of the generosity of the Americans of Polish descent. Those parcels should be recognized by the American Government as genuine tax-exempt charity. On the other hand, we should most strongly insist that the Polish Communist regime eliminate the customs duties on those parcels. If they are really interested in the welfare of the people, why did they raise the customs duties and make hundreds of thousands of such transactions unoperative? Of course, we know why. They want to force individual Americans to send dollars instead of parcels to Poland. They hope that those dollars will eventually reach the state and party coffers.

5. Whatever aid has to go through the Warsaw government, we should insist on our control. If the Gomulka regime is truly interested in helping the people, if they do not intend to perpetrate abuses, they will agree to such a control.

6. We accumulated in Poland approximately $400 million in zlotys. This is a tremendous amount of money, property of the U.S.A. The American Government should be free to dispose of that money in Poland as they see fit. This money should go for hospitals, schools, housing projects, libraries. It should be used for such persecuted bodies as churches, Catholic University at Lublin, religious education. It should go to individual non-Communist social and cultural groups as well as to the needy, honest individual Poles. The U.S.A. should get credit and publicity for its help. American aid should be known in all details to the Polish masses. If the Warsaw government does not approve of such actions, well, what better proof do we need that it lacks sincerity and good will?

7. We should make a special effort to help the Catholic University at Lublin. It became a powerful center of independent scholarship, the Communist government evidently tries to ruin it, it enjoys a great esteem among the population of Poland which is overwhelmingly Catholic.

8. Whatever difficulties emerge between the American and the Polish Communist authorities as to the destination of the American aid to Poland, these difficulties should be made public. The Poles in Poland have the right to know all instances in which American initiative, efforts, plans, good will have been frustrated by the Gomulka regime. The same right have we in this country and the same right has the world public opinion. Why do we bury in secrecy Communist duplicity, lack of concern for the needs of the people, as well as their hostility to the free world?

9. Apparently the Polish Government or the Polish Communist organs exercise the ever-growing control over the selection of students, professors, artists, professionals, and so forth, who come to this country on the cultural exchange program financed by American private and reputable foundations. If this is true and unfortunately the American public opinion has not been informed in details about the matter-such a state of affairs would be harmful to the cause of freedom. We should be interested in a bona fide cultural exchange and we should not finance the Communist infiltration of this country. We can expect nothing good from those Polish visitors who have been selected by the Warsaw regime or Communist-controlled organizations.

10. It becomes more and more necessary to carefully observe the activities among the Americans of Polish descent of numerous individuals, organizations, or groups, controlled by the Warsaw regime or sent here by that regime under one or another pretext. The Polish press, published in this country, England, or France, brings up numerous instances indicating that Warsaw makes great efforts to confuse, weaken, or destroy Polish organizations and individuals who have been uncompromisingly anti-Communist.