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JUNCTION WITH ARIEUS.-TISSAPHERNES.

537

Clearchus, who was inspecting his men, kept the Persian ministers waiting till he had drawn up his forces so as to present the most imposing aspect, and then came up to give them audience, accompanied by his colleagues, in the midst of a guard composed of the handsomest and best equipped sol

mended that they should march that night. | but to conclude a truce. His brother officers adopted both his advice and the precautions which he proposed; and henceforth, by tacit consent-the result of their conviction of his superior discernment and skill-they acknowledged him as their chief. In the evening after sunset they suffered a loss, which at this juncture was deeply felt. Milto-diers in the army. After having heard the procythes, a Thracian, deserted to the king with posal of the envoys, he bade them tell their forty horse-their whole cavalry-and 300 master that the Greeks must fight before they Thracian infantry; the rest arrived about mid- treated; they had nothing to eat, and no one night at the camp of Ariæus, and the Greek of- could venture to propose a truce to them who ficers met in his tent. After the most solemn did not provide them with a meal. With this pledges of mutual good faith had been inter- answer they departed, but soon returned-thus changed, Clearchus asked him whether he in- clearly showing that the king was still near at tended to return by the same or a different | hand-and said that the king consented to asroad. He said that to take the same was im- sign guides to the Greeks, who should lead them possible; for the desert through which they into plentiful quarters as soon as they had conhad marched for seventeen days yielded no cluded a truce with him. This proposal was provisions, and they had none to carry with joyfully received; but before he accepted it, them; they must therefore take a more cir- Clearchus made the envoys wait, until they becuitous route, on which they might find a sup- gan to fear lest he should change his mind. At ply and it would be proper to make some last he concluded the armistice, and ordered forced marches at first, so as to leave the king the guides to lead the army to the villages where two or three days' journey behind them, which it was to find provisions. In the way they had would be sufficient to prevent him from ever to cross several canals and trenches, too deep overtaking them. to be forded, and without bridges. Clearchus suspected that they had been recently filled with water by the king's orders-as it was not now the season for irrigating the plain-for the purpose of trying the courage and patience of the Greeks with a specimen of the obstacles which they were to encounter. But the palm-trees, which grew near in abundance, supplied materials for bridges or rafts; and Clearchus roused the exertions of the men by his exhortations and example. With his spear in one hand, and his staff in the other, he urged the labourers, whose tasks seemed to linger, and taking part in the work with his own hands, excited the emulation of persons of greater age and dignity to contribute their personal aid. The impediment was thus surmounted in a manner which tended to heighten the respect of the barbarians. The villages to which they were led were found well stocked with provisions, especially corn, dates, and palm wine.

With this purpose, which, by whatever words it might be disguised, was, as Xenophon observes, really nothing else than flight, the army began its march the next morning at daybreak. It was a discouraging beginning of such an expedition as they were now undertaking; for they were more than 2000 miles from Ephesus by the road along which they had come. That which they had now before them was certainly much longer, and traversed regions utterly unknown to them. And they were to enter upon it with an attempt to escape from a superior enemy. But as they crossed the plain of Babylon in a southeasterly direction, making for some villages where they expected to arrive about sunset, and to find a supply of provisions, they fell in with some of the beasts of burden belonging to the royal army, and hence concluded that it was not far off. Clearchus, however, did not think proper to seek the enemy, as the hour was late and his men fatigued, and in want of food; but he no less cautiously avoided the appearance of shunning an engagement, and pursuing his line of march without any deviation, halted for the night at the first villages he reached, which he found stripped of everything, even to the timber of the houses, by the king's troops. The two armies were so near each other that the voices of the Greeks, who, arriving successively at their halting-place, called out to one another in the dark, were heard by the enemy, and caused them to decamp in the night. At least the next morning every trace of their presence had disappeared. But the Greeks, too, were disturbed by a nocturnal panic, which, however, was allayed by a stratagem of Clearchus, who ordered his herald-an Elean, gifted with a singularly loud voice-to proclaim a reward for the discovery of the person who had let the ass loose in the part of the camp where the arms were piled.

The next day clear proof appeared of the effect which the approach of the Greeks had made on the king; for at daybreak other envoys came from him, not to demand their arms, VOL. I.-Y Y Y

Here they remained three days, in the course of which they received a visit from Tissaphernes, who was accompanied by the queen's brother and three other Persians, attended by a numerous train. Tissaphernes came to assure them of the friendship which, as a neighbour of Greece in the place of his ordinary residence, he felt for them, and the sympathy with which he had viewed their embarrassing situation. Relying on their gratitude, and on that of their whole nation, he had been exerting all the influence which he had acquired at court by his recent eminent services, to prevail on the king to let him conduct them home in safety. The king had promised to take his request into consideration, and in the mean while had sent him to inquire what was the motive which had engaged them in their expedition against him. To this question he advised them to send a discreet answer, such as might forward his intercession in their behalf. After a private consultation with the other generals, Clearchus, in their name, replied that they had not set out with any hostile intentions against the king, but had been drawn into the service of Cyrus under

various pretences, and had been induced to accompany him, without knowing his real object until they saw him in a situation, in which, after the obligations he had laid upon them, it would have been base to abandon him. Now that he was dead, they had no wish either to attack the king's throne or person, or to do any damage to his territories: if they were not molested, they would return quietly home, but they would defend themselves as well as they could from aggression. On the other hand, they would endeavour not to be outdone in generosity by any one who should render them a voluntary service. Tissaphernes went away with this answer, and returning on the third day after, informed the anxious Greeks that he had with great difficulty obtained his petition from the king, against the opinion of many persons in the conncil, who had contended that it was degrading to the king's majesty to suffer men who had endeavoured to dethrone him to escape with impunity. The terms now offered to them were, that they should have a safe conduct to their own country, and a market on the road; and that wherever none was furnished for them, they should be allowed to take such necessaries as they could find; that on their part they should engage to do no mischief in the king's territories beyond the taking of provisions where they found none offered for sale, and that they should pay for all that they procured from the market. These terms were accepted by the Greeks; and the treaty was ratified in the most solemn manner, by Tissaphernes and the king's brother-in-law on the one side, and by all the principal Greek officers on the other. Tissaphernes then departed, promising, as soon as he should have finished his preparations for his journey to his satrapy, to return and escort them to Greece.

He kept them waiting for him twenty days; and during this interval offers of pardon and amnesty were made to Ariæus and his principal officers, which produced a visible change in his deportment towards the Greeks. Many of them began to entertain suspicions, which they communicated to Clearchus and the other generals, urging them to wait no longer. The king, they said, was no doubt anxious to destroy them for the sake of deterring all other Greeks from similar undertakings. He was probably only inducing them to wait, that he might have time to collect his scattered forces, and fall upon them. In the mean while, perhaps, he was throwing up intrenchments to bar their retreat, which, if safely effected, would, as he could not but feel, expose him to universal contempt.

tle avail to them, defeat utterly ruinous. With such advantages, it seemed to him incredible that the king, if he was bent on destroying them, should resort to an act of treacherous perjury, which would forever ruin his credit among the Greeks, when he might as easily effect his purpose by honourable warfare.

Tissaphernes at length arrived, accompanied by Orontes, the king's son-in-law, each with a body of troops under his command, and immediately began the march. The Greeks found a market regularly provided for them, but they observed that Ariaus kept close to the two other Persian chiefs, and encamped his forces along with theirs. This excited suspicions which they took no pains to conceal; they marched apart from the barbarians, and encamped at the distance of several miles from them. This exhibition of their distrust roused hostile feelings in those who were its objects, and perhaps were not conscious of having deserved it. The mutual animosity thus excited sometimes found vent in threats and blows, when the foraging parties of the two armies fell in with one another; and every such meeting added to its strength. The road by which they were led by Tissaphernes, still following a southerly direc tion, brought them first within a great rampart, called the Wall of Media,* built of baked bricks cemented with asphaltus, which, as they heard, stretched across the plain for about eighty miles, and was 100 feet high, and twenty broad. They then, by bridges or boats, crossed two canals issuing from the Tigris, and at the end of the fifth day's march arrived at a large and populous city, called Sitace, less than two miles from the river, which was here crossed by a bridge. The barbarians passed over to the other side, and moved out of sight; the Greeks encamped in the outskirts of the town, and near the edge of a spacious and thickly-wooded park. Here Xenophon was walking in the evening, with his friend Proxenus, when a man came up to the outposts, and inquired for Proxenus or Clearchus, for whom he brought a message from Ariæus. It was remarked that he did not ask for Meno, the guest and friend of Ariæus, though it seems he was in the camp. But being admitted to an interview with Proxenus, he said that he was sent by Ariæus to warn the Greeks that they were in danger of being attacked in the night by the barbarians, who had a large body of forces posted in the park, and that it was also the design of Tissaphernes to break down the bridge over the Tigris, so that they might be inclosed by the river and its canals. This information was immediately communicated to Clearchus, who was at first extremely alarmed by it. But one of the officers present had the sagacity to perceive that it could be nothing but a stratagem. The two designs, he observed, attributed to the enemy were not consistent with each other. If Tissaphernes meant to attack them, he would not destroy the bridge, which would be useful to him should he be defeated, and could be of no service to them if he was victorious. This remark opened the eyes of

Clearchus, however, checked the impetuosity of the men. He bade them reflect that the first movement which they made from their present quarters, before the return of Tissaphernes, would be construed as a breach of the treaty and a signal for war. They would then be without provisions, guides, or friends; for Ariæus would immediately separate himself from them, and openly declare himself their enemy. They would have to cross the Euphrates at least, if not other great rivers, in the presence of a hostile army, which could easily bar their passage. And as they had no horse, while the enemy's strength lay in cavalry, victory would be of lit-Teixn

Probably, as Schneider conjectures on iii., 4, 11, a woman. It may have been originally one of the numerous xvi., p. 737, τά τε χώματα ἃ δὴ καλοῦσι Σεμιράμιδος, καὶ monuments ascribed to Semiramis, mentioned by Strabo,

INTERVIEW WITH TISSAPHERNES.

539

had to encounter. If they should succeed in any hostile design against him, what would they have done but deprive themselves of their most valuable friend, of the man who sheltered them from the king's enmity. For his own part, all his hopes of fortune depended on the favour of Tissaphernes, who was able to gratify all the desires by which he had been drawn into the service of Cyrus. But there were equally strong reasons, which he believed must make Tissaphernes unwilling to forfeit the good-will of the Greek army. It would be able, if it returned safe, to rid him of the troublesome neighbours, such as the Mysians and Pisidians, who

Clearchus to the enemy's real object. He questioned the envoy of Ariæus as to the nature of the region where the Greeks were encamped, and learned that it was an island formed by the Tigris and its canals, highly fertile, and containing many villages and several flourishing towns. It became evident that Tissaphernes was apprehensive lest the Greeks, attracted by the advantages which it offered, should choose to remain and settle there, and had therefore endeavoured to scare them away from it, by a stratagem like that by which Themistocles was said to have hurried Xerxes away from Greece. It was nevertheless deemed advisable to secure the bridge, which they crossed the next morn-infested his province; or it might enable him, ing with great caution, as a report was spread to quell the revolted Egyptians; one of the most that Tissaphernes meant to attack them during acceptable services which he could render to the passage. But this report proved as ground- his master. With this force at his command, less as the message of Ariæus. No enemy ap- which, if it should owe its safe return to his peared during the whole time, except Glous, protection, would serve him, not as mere merone of the officers of Cyrus, with a few attend- cenaries, but with all the zeal of gratitude, he ants, who were evidently watching their move- might make himself feared by all his neighbours. ments, and rode away as soon as he saw them Clearchus thought it so astonishing that, with beginning to go over. They then proceeded such motives for confidence, he should distrust along the left bank of the Tigris. At Opis, a the Greeks, that there was nothing he more delarge town on the Physcus, one of the tributa-sired to know than the name of the person who ries of the Tigris, they met a half brother of had instilled such strange suspicions into his Artaxerxes, who was on his way from Susa and mind. Ecbatana, with a numerous army, which he had brought to the aid of the king. He halted to view the passage of the Greeks, which Clearchus ordered so as to produce the greatest effect on the barbarian spectators, making them defile in a column, two abreast, and lengthening the time of the march by frequent stoppages. Some Median villages belonging to Parysatis were abandoned to the Greeks by Tissaphernes to be plundered, Xenophon says, by way of insult to the memory of Cyrus. But as the affront and the injury were offered immediately to the queen-mother, whose formidable resentment Tissaphernes could scarcely have wished wantonly to provoke, we might rather be inclined to suspect that his real object was to point it against the Greeks.

On the banks of the Zapatas (the greater Zab) they halted for three days. They had now been marching nineteen days in company with Tissaphernes, and no material ground of complaint had occurred between them. Nevertheless, the suspicions of the Greeks had not subsided, and Clearchus, who placed greater confidence in the satrap's intentions, resolved to try whether more friendly feelings might not be produced by mutual explanations. He therefore sent to request an interview with Tissaphernes; it was readily granted. He came, he said, convinced that there was no foundation for the suspicions which some of the Greeks entertained of Tissaphernes; and as he knew that those which Tissaphernes expressed, rather, indeed, by his actions than his words, of the Greeks were utterly groundless, he wished to remove them by a clear exposure of their unreasonableness. Even if his countrymen were regardless of the Divine wrath, which they would incur by such a breach of faith as Tissaphernes seemed to apprehend, a sense of their own interest would be sufficient to restrain them from it; for to whom but Tissaphernes had they to look for the supply of their daily wants, and for the means of surmounting the various obstacles which they

Tissaphernes, in reply, expressed the pleasure which he felt at seeing that Clearchus took so just a view of his own interests; and begged him to reflect on the absurdity of the suspicions conceived by the Greeks, whether with regard to the king or to himself. If it was the king's wish to destroy them, could they suppose that he was at a loss for means-with so many troops for every kind of warfare at his command-or for opportunities, during a march in which they had so many plains to traverse, so many mountain passes to penetrate, so many rivers to cross, some of which they would be unable to pass, not only against his will, but without his help. But if they considered themselves safe from all open attacks, even under such disadvantages, would not fire still do its office? Would it not be easy for the king to lay waste the whole country round them, and, without risking a man, to let famine fight his battle? Was it credible that, with such resources at his disposal, he should prefer a course which would be impious in the sight of the gods, infamous in the eyes of men? one to which none but the vilest of mankind could be reduced by the hardest necessity? Perhaps, however, they might say: if the king has us in his power, why has he not already destroyed us? It was to the influence of Tissaphernes they owed their safety, to his desire of establish. ing a claim upon their gratitude, and thus of se curing the advantages which Clearchus himself had pointed out, together with one which he had not mentioned, but which any one might enjoy with such a body of auxiliaries-a spirit as erect as the king's tiara.

These arguments convinced Clearchus; for they were not only in themselves extremely specious, but, as we have seen, and as the wily Persian perhaps knew, they were his own. He declared himself perfectly satisfied, and only anxious for the punishment of the persons whose calumnious insinuations had disturbed the harmony of parties so closely united by their

common interest. Tissaphernes declared him- | friend Proxenus. When they were within hear

self willing to gratify this wish, and promised, if he would bring all his principal officers before him, to point out those who had endeavoured to excite his suspicions. Clearchus assented to this proposal, and engaged at the same time to make the like disclosure as to the source of his own. Tissaphernes now detained him to supper, and loaded him with marks of kindness and respect; so that he returned to the camp the next morning with the most agreeable impressions of the satrap's disposition towards him, and called upon all his officer's to accompany him to the proposed interview, that the authors of the calumnies which had done so much mischief might be detected, and punished as traitors to the army.

There were even among the common soldiers some who saw the danger of such a step, and who, as soon as the intentions of Clearchus became known, expostulated with him on the imprudence of committing all their officers to the power of a man whom they had hitherto been treating as a covert enemy. He would probably not have been blind to that which they discerned so clearly if his judgment had not been perverted by two selfish motives: resentment and ambition. He had persuaded himself that Meno, whom he believed to be his enemy and his rival, was the person who had traduced him to Ariæus and Tissaphernes, for the purpose of supplanting him. He hoped to witness the shame and punishment of his adversary, and to establish himself in the undivided command of the army; and therefore disregarded all the remonstrances of his disinterested counsellors. But he could not prevail on more than four of the generals, and twenty of the inferior officers to end him. The generals were Proxenus, Meno Agias, an Arcadian, and Socrates the Achæan. When they came to the headquarters of Tissaphernes, the five generals were admitted within, and the subalterns remained at the door; they were followed by about 200 of the private soldiers, who came either for the sake of the market, or attracted by curiosity. Ere long a signal was given, upon which the generals were arrested, and a massacre was begun among their countrymen who accompanied them. At the same time, as quadron of barbarian cavalry was seen scouring the plain, and cutting down every Greek who fell in their way. The Greeks, who beheld this movement from their camp, were for some time at a loss to account for it. But it was soon explained to them by the appearance of Nicarchus, an Arcadian, who came up severely wounded, and related all that had happened.

The Greeks ran to their arms in consternation, apprehending that the enemy would immediately fall upon them. None, however, appeared but Ariæus and two other generals who had been in the service of Cyrus, and, as the Greeks were informed by their interpreter, a brother of Tissaphernes, with about 300 Persian cuirassiers. The chiefs, having drawn near, desired that some Greek officer should come forward and listen to the message which they had brought from the king. Upon this two of the remaining generals, Cleanor and Sophænetus, advanced, duly guarded, accompanied by Xenophon, who was anxious to learn some tidings of his

ing, Ariæus informed them that Clearchus, having been convicted of perjury and breach of treaty, had been punished with death; but that Proxenus and Meno, who had revealed his treachery, were in high honour. The king now required the rest of the army to surrender their arms, which, as they had before belonged to his subject Cyrus, he now claimed as his own. Cleanor, answering in the name of his colleagues, addressed Ariæus and the other friends of Cyrus with the bitterest reproaches. Ariaus attempted to vindicate himself by repeating the charge against Clearchus. Xenophon then observed, that if Clearchus was guilty of the of fences imputed to him, he had no doubt suffered justly; but since Proxenus and Meno had conferred an obligation on the Persians, it was reasonable that they should be restored to their troops; for, as they had shown themselves the friends of both parties, both might expect benefit from their counsels. The Persians, after a long conference among themselves, departed without returning any answer.

Xenophon adds but very few particulars as to the fate of Clearchus and his fellow-prisoners. The anecdotes related by Plutarch from Ctesias and other writers are of doubtful credit. But it seems certain that neither Clearchus nor any of his companions were immediately put to death, but were carried to court, and that they were kept for some time in custody. During this interval Parysatis, who regarded them with good-will as friends of her best-beloved son, is said to have exerted all her influence to save their lives. But her efforts were counteracted by her rival, Statira, the favourite queen of Artaxerxes, whose suit, as it happened to be more in accordance with his own inclination, was on this occasion preferred; and all the generals, except Meno, lost their heads. Xenophon, who describes Meno's character in a strain of satirical invective, mentions the exception made in his favour, apparently to confirm a suspicion which he elsewhere insinuates, that Meno was privy to the treachery of Tissaphernes. Ctesias distinctly charged him with this baseness; and we may easily believe, if he was such a man as Xenophon represents, that he was quite capable of it. It is not so clear in what way he could have promoted the success of the stratagem;* and there is no reason for supposing that he suggested it; the credit of the invention is unquestionably due to Tissaphernes alone. Meno, however, was spared-whatever may have been the motive-only to be reserved for a death of lingering torture, such as we scarcely hear of anywhere but in the court chronicles of ancient Persia; for it lasted a whole year.† This refinement of cruelty seems to indicate the intervention of Parysatis; and it is not improbable that she obtained permission to wreak her vengeance upon him, as a compensation for the disappointment she had suffered in her contest with Statira.‡

*Ctesias, though he confirms Xenophon's suspicions of that, through Meno's arts, Clearchus was compelled by the Meno, was so ill informed about the particulars as to relate army, though he himself distrusted Tissaphernes, to pat himself in his power.

thing more than kept in wretched confinement a full year. + Xenophon's expression, alkio0cìs ¿viavròv, means some

Yet the silence of Ctesias-for it seems clear from the

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE RETURN OF THE GREEKS.

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had powerful attractions for a man of adventurous spirit, even if he was strongly attached to his native city. To Xenophon, perhaps, the most tempting part of the prospect was a long absence from Athens, or a permanent settlement in a foreign land. He seems-though it may be unconsciously-to have determined on accepting the proposal of Proxenus, when he communicated it to Socrates, as if for his advice. Socrates was immediately struck with the effect which such a step was likely to produce on the minds of the Athenians, who could not, without some feelings of jealousy, see one of their citizens seeking his fortune in the patronage of the man who had shown himself their implacable enemy, and had been the chief author of their late calamities and degradation. It seems, however, that he did not otherwise attempt to dissuade his young friend from following the bent of his inclination than by pointing to these consequences, and by advising that, before he decided, he should consult the Delphic oracle, which by its authority might either put an end to the project, or give a better colour to the proceedings. Xenophon, however, instead of submitting his plan to the decision of the oracle, only inquired about the religious ceremonies by which the adventure which he meditated might be brought to a happy issue. On his return to Athens, Socrates gently censured his disciple for having shown more concern about the success of the enterprise than about its expediency or fitness, but opposed no farther hinderance to it; and Xenophon, having observed the rites which the oracle had prescribed, embarked for Asia, and found Proxenus at Sardis, with the troops which he had collected for the pretended expedition against the Pisidians, and on the point of setting out. Proxenus introduced him to Cyrus, and both pressed him to accompany them on their march; the prince assuring him that he should be at liberty to depart as soon as the expedition was ended. We must believe that he was deceived by the professions of Cyrus, since he asserts it himself. He does not inform us when the truth, which had from the beginning been evident to Tissaphernes, first dawned upon his mind. On the arrival of the army in Cilicia, when no farther doubt could remain as to the prince's intentions, he was, according to his own account, one of those whom a sense of honour induced relucex-tantly to proceed. The expedition was, perhaps, in no respect more useful to him than in the opportunity it afforded him of studying the character Cyrus-one of that class which he especially admired; and the time had now come for applying the lessons with which his observations had furnished him.

THE despondency with which the Greeks viewed the situation in which they were left by the loss of their generals can only be estimated, if we consider not only its real dangers, but the reluctance with which they had been induced to follow Cyrus on to the goal of his enterprise, and the opinion which Clearchus himself had expressed, on the desperate difficulty of making good their retreat against the will of the enemy, who had just given such a proof of his implacable hostility, as utterly precluded all farther attempts at negotiation, and all possibility of compromise. On the other hand, the whole amount of the loss which had been actually sustained through the perfidy of Tissaphernes might be looked upon as confined to the person of Clearchus, Yet this loss might well seem irreparable; for he was the only man who had hitherto displayed the abilities and acquirements requisite for the station which he had filled among his colleagues, whose deference was a tacit acknowledgment of their own incapacity. Even he had despaired of conducting them home in defiance of the Persian power. They were now in the case which he had described, left, at the distance of at least 1200 miles from Greece, without provisions, without guides, without a single horseman, to find and fight their way through an enemy's country, across unfordable rivers, with a hostile army watching their movements, and ready to seize every opportunity of falling upon them with advantage; and, besides all this, they were without a chief. The night which followed this change in their prospects was, as may casily be imagined, with most of them, a sleepless one. Few could find heart to taste food or light a fire; and many, instead of coming to the ordinary resting-place near their arms, threw themselves on the ground, wherever else they chanced to be, not to sleep, but to call up the images of their homes, parents, wives, and children, whom they no longer expected ever to see again. Hope, however, was not universally stifled, and the emergency called forth a man-such as among 10,000 Greeks could scarcely ever have been wanting-endowed with all the qualities needed for meeting it. Xenophon, the Athenian, whose name has already occurred more than once in our narrative, had accompanied the pedition, as a private adventurer, without any military rank. He had spent a great part of his youth at Athens, in familiar and habitual intercourse with Socrates, who, struck, it is said, by his promising physiognomy, had drawn him, by a gentle constraint, into his society. It was probably at Athens, also, that he had formed his intimacy with Proxenus, who is said to have been a disciple of Gorgias, and may have been drawn to Athens by pursuits congenial to those of his Athenian friend. Proxenus, after he had entered the service of Cyrus, wrote from the court of Sardis to Xenophon, offering to introduce him to the prince, whose favour he said he himself valued above anything that his country had to offer. Such an invitation would have

extract of Photius, c. 60, compared with Plut., Artax., 18, that he only related that Meno was not put to death with the other generals-throws considerable doubt on the fact.

He had spent a part of the night in gloomy reflection, such as occupied the minds of most of his comrades, and having at length dropped into a short slumber, saw a dream such as might naturally occur to a Greek who, like Xenophon, was deeply conversant with the interpretation of omens. According to the rules of divination, as he himself expounds them, it was of an ambiguous aspect, and he seems to think that on this very account the impression which it left upon his mind when he awoke proved that it was immediately sent by the god, from whom, according to the Homeric theology, all dreams

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