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THERAMENES ACCUSED.

497

night he embarked for Megara. But Polemarchus, without being so much as informed of an charge-and, indeed, it does not appear that any was laid against him-was compelled to swallow the hemlock draught, the ordinary mode of capital punishment; and, so rigorously was the confiscation of his property executed, that even his wife was stripped of her ear-rings, and his friends were obliged to furnish the means of performing his exequies with decency. Men who were capable of perpetrating such

that this measure would render the aliens gen- | erally hostile to the government. But his colleagues, after what they had already done, were not disposed to view this question on the moral side, and, having braved the hatred of their fellow-citizens, they were not afraid of provoking the aliens. The proposition was adopted, and Theramenes was invited to single out his prey with the rest; but he refused to stain his hands with this innocent blood. It was, however, resolved to begin by taking ten lives; and, for the sake of covering the real motive, two of the vic-actions could not long endure the presence of tims were to be poor men, who would, therefore, be supposed to have suffered for some political offence.

an associate who refused to take his full share of their guilt and odium. The colleagues of Theramenes resolved to rid themselves of a troublesome monitor, who might soon prove a dangerous opponent. They first endeavoured to communicate their distrust of his designs to the members of the council in private conversation, and then concerted a plan for an open attack on him. But, to ensure its success, they surrounded the council-chamber with a band of the most daring of their younger followers, armed with daggers, which they did not take much pains to conceal. Critias then came for

It is to one of the persons whose life was threatened by this nefarious scheme that we owe a minute and lively description of one scene from the Athenian Reign of Terror. Cephalus, a Syracusan, had been induced, by the persuasions of Pericles, and, perhaps, in part by the state of affairs in his native city, to migrate to Athens. Two of his sons, Polemarchus and Lysias, had afterward joined the colonists sent out to Thurii, where Lysias, then a boy of fourteen, found an opportunity of culti-ward to accuse Theramenes, who was present. vating his talent for oratory under the guidance of eminent masters. When the disasters of the Athenians in Sicily had ruined their interest in all the Italiot cities, Lysias and his brother were compelled to quit Thurii on the charge of Atticism (of taking the Athenian side in political questions), and they returned to Athens, which was then under the government of the Four Hundred, and continued to reside there to the time which our narrative has now reached. They carried on a flourishing manufacture of shields, in which they employed 120 slaves as workmen, and their opulence enabled them to contribute largely to the service of their adopted country; but it excited the cupidity of the Thirty, and their attachment to the Athenian | interest, which had driven them from Thurii, was now no less accounted a crime at Athens. They were, therefore, selected among the first victims devoted to destruction, on the motion of Piso and Theognis.

Piso himself, with Melobius and Mnesithides, undertook the seizing of Lysias and his property. They found Lysias at table with some guests, who were dismissed; and he was arrested by Piso, while the two others proceeded to the manufactory to take possession of all that they found there. In their absence Lysias prevailed on Piso, by a bribe, to promise to save his life. But Piso, notwithstanding the most solemn oaths, first seized all the gold in his coffers, of which he refused to let him keep a single piece for his journey, and then gave him up to the custody of Melobius and Mnesithides, who led him to the house of one Damnippus, where Theognis was guarding some other prisoners. Lysias was now consigned to the charge of Theognis; but while Damnippus, who happened to be his friend, was endeavouring to bribe Theognis, who was known to be no less ready than Piso to sacrifice the interests of his associates to his private gain, he made his escape, and took shelter in the house of a friend in Pireus. Here he learned that Polemarchus nad been arrested and dragged to prison by Eratosthenes, and in the course of the following VOL. I.-R R R

He vindicated the frequency of the late execu-
tions, which some of the councillors considered
as excessive, and observed that, in all revolu
tions, such measures were necessary, but more
than in any other, when a populous city, which
had long been used to democratical government,
was brought under an oligarchy. The consti-
tution which he and his colleagues had estab-
lished was the only one that could gain the
confidence of their benefactors, the Spartans,
and that suited the interest of the best class,
that to which they and the council belonged.
Their policy, therefore, was to get rid of every
one whom they perceived to be adverse to oli-
garchy; and they had the strongest of all rea-
sons for so dealing with one of their own num-
ber who betrayed such sentiments, as was now
the case with Theramenes. He had given the
clearest proofs of his hostile disposition by cen-
suring their proceedings, and by thwarting eve-
ry step which they took towards removing their
adversaries. And he was not merely an enemy,
but a traitor; for it was he who had drawn
them into the engagements which they had
contracted with Sparta; he was the author of
the revolution by which the democracy had
been overthrown. It was he who had instiga-
ted them to the first acts of just severity by
which they had incurred the popular resent
ment; and now, thinking them in danger, he
wished to secede from them, that he might pro-
vide for his own safety. This, however, was
only a new instance of his old treachery. He
had begun by betraying the people, which hon-
oured and trusted him for his father's sake,* into
the hands of the Four Hundred, among whom
he filled a conspicuous station; but he no soon-
or perceived symptoms of weakness in the oli-
garchy, than he deserted it, and placed himself
at the head of the popular party. His fickle-

his father by adoption. He was a native of Ceos. Hence
Karà Tov aripa "Ayvwva. Agnon, however, was only
one of the allusions to his political versatility in Aristoph.,
Ran., 968, ὃς ἣν κακοῖς που περιπέση, καὶ πλησίον παραστῇ,
πέπτωκεν ἔξω τῶν κακῶν, οὐ Χῖος, ἀλλὰ Κῖος· ὅτι δοκεί προσ
TOALS EGLY. Schol. Compare Plut., Nic., 2.
γεγράφθαι τη πολιτείᾳ, ̓́Αγνωνος αὐτον ποιησαμένου, ὡς Εὔ-

ness, indeed, had become proverbial; and the ease with which he shifted his side had proved fatal to numbers whom he had first seduced into revolutions, and had afterward abandoned. It was this same man who, having failed to execute the orders of his commanders after the battle of Arginusæ, caused them to be put to death for omitting what it was his own duty to have done. A man so uniformly selfish, and regardless of honour and friendship, was a fit object for the most rigorous justice; and the punishment due to his offences was now indispensably necessary for the common safety. In the name, therefore, of the Thirty, Critias impeached him as a traitor, and an enemy to the Constitution.

These sentiments produced a very favourable impression on a majority of the council, who, as they did not share the spoil collected by the Thirty, would willingly have put a stop to their robberies and murders. A murmur of approbation, which ran through the assembly, warned Critias that he could not safely rely on its subserviency for the condemnation of Theramenes; and, after having conferred a few moments with his colleagues, he called in his armed auxiliaries, and stationed them round the railing within which the council sat. He then told the councillors that he thought he should be wanting in the duty of his station if he suffered his friends to be misled; and that the persons whom they now saw round them also declared that they would not permit a man who was manifestly aiming at the ruin of the oligarchy to escape with impunity. Now, by virtue of the new Constitution, none of the Three Thousand could be put to death except by a sentence of the council; but all who were not included in that list might be sent to execution without any form of trial by the Thirty. He therefore declared that, with the unaniinous consent of his colleagues, he struck out the name of Theramenes from the list, and condemned him to death. Theramenes immediately rushed to the altar of Vesta, which stood in the middle of the in-room, and conjured the council not to allow Critias the right thus to dispose of his life and theirs, but to claim the benefit of a legal trial both for him and for themselves. "He was

Theramenes made a defence, which, with respect to the charges of Critias, was, in most points, a satisfactory vindication of his conduct. As to the prosecution of the generals, indeed, his statements, compared with Xenophon's narrative, seem to be made up of gross falsehoods; but he maintained his political consistency with a much fairer show of truth. He contended that he had proved himself to be a sincere friend to the existing oligarchy; for the measures which he had opposed were such as tended to its destruction. He had approved of the punishment of the sycophants; and on the same ground he had condemned the execution of nocent and respectable citizens, such as Leon, and Niceratus, and Antipho, and the seizure of the aliens; acts which could only alienate honest men of all classes from the oligarchical gov-aware that the altar would not protect him, and ernment. He had remonstrated against depri- had only fled to it that the impiety of his eneving the bulk of the citizens of their arms, be- mies might be as manifest as their injustice; cause he did not wish to see the city reduced to but he wondered that they, who knew that their a state of weakness, in which it could not serve own names might just as easily be erased, the purposes for which the Lacedæmonians had should abandon him to the pleasure of Critias." spared it. He had not agreed to the proposal The herald of the Thirty now summoned in the for introducing the foreign garrison, because he Eleven-the ministers of penal justice; they thought that the government might have been entered with their attendants, headed by Sa better guarded by its own subjects. He had tyrus, the most reckless and shameless among objected to the strengthening of their exiled the satellites of the oligarchy. Critias bade enemies, as they had done, by passing sentence them apprehend Theramenes, who had been of banishment against men who, like Anytus, lawfully condemned, and lead him away to punand Thrasybulus, and Alcibiades, were the most ishment; and Satyrus and his followers procapable of conducting the other outlaws. The ceeded to drag him from the altar in spite of his policy which he had recommended was that vehement obtestations. The councillors, who which their adversaries would view with the saw themselves surrounded by armed assassins greatest alarm, as fatal to their hopes. Nor and even the outer door beset with troops, re had he ever departed from these principles. mained passive; and Theramenes was hurried He had adhered to the government of the Four across the agora, still loudly exclaiming against Hundred-which was established with the con- the treatment he suffered. Satyrus, it is said, sent of the people, in order to incline the Spar- would have stopped his outcries by a threat, tans to peace-until he saw an attempt made" It should be the worse for him if he did no by its leaders to betray the city to the enemy. In a word, he was opposed alike to the abuses of an unlimited democracy, and to oligarchical oppression, and challenged Critias to show that he had ever favoured either. But he wished no less that the citizens who were most capable of serving the state should be united in its de- Xenophon admires the serenity and cheerful fence, than that others, whose indigence ex-ness indicated by these sallies in the hour of posed their integrity to perpetual temptations, should be excluded from offices which afforded them opportunities of betraying their country.*

* Xenophon makes him say, "I have been always opposed to those who are content with no democracy but one in which both slaves, and persons who are ready, on account of their indigence, to sell the city for a drachma, have a drachma to their share." A drachma was the daily pay of a member of the Council of Five IIundred.

hold his peace." "Will it be the better for me," Theramenes asked, "if I do?" When he had drank the hemlock, he dashed the last drops on the ground, in imitation of a sportive con vivial usage,* to the health, as he said, of hi beloved Critias.t

death; but our admiration of such a deportment must mainly depend on our opinion of the sufferer's previous conduct and character. In Theramenes we find much to condemn, and no

*The game of the cottabuss, in which the player accompanied the sound of the falling liquor, which he threw into another vessel or on the ground, with the name of the ob ject of his affections. See Schol. Arist., Pax, 1243. † Κριτίᾳ τῷ καλῶ.

TYRANNY OF THE THIRTY.

499

thing to approve, except that he shrank from purpose of averting the danger. The Spartans,
following his profligate associates in their ca- instigated perhaps by Lysander, issued an edict,
reer of wickedness. We should not have been which showed to what a degree they were
inclined to question that this abstinence was intoxicated by prosperity. It empowered the
the effect of his justice and humanity, if his Athenian rulers to arrest the exiles in every
conduct on the impeachment of the generals Greek city, and, under a heavy penalty, forbade
had not proved how capable he was of sacrifi- any one to interfere in their behalf. But this
cing both to his selfish interest. But even if he decree was no less impolitic than inhuman; it
had not been guilty of baseness which deserves disclosed a domineering spirit which could not
abhorrence, his imprudence would have forfeited but produce general alarm and disgust; but its
his claims to our pity; for such blindness as his, object was beyond the reach of the Spartan
in a statesman, becomes a crime. To correct power. At Argos and Thebes, and probably in
the abuses of democracy, he agreed to invest a other cities, the injunction and threat were dis-
small number of men-of whom he either knew regarded; the exiles continued to find hospi-
nothing, or knew that they were among the table shelter. The Thebans more particular-
most unprincipled of mankind-with absolutely took pains to manifest their contempt for the
power. He wished that they should use it Spartan proclamation by a counter decree, di-
with prudence and moderation, but had provi-recting that the persecuted Athenians should
ded no means of regulating and restraining be received in all the Baotian towns; that if
them, except in view of their own interest, in
which they happened to differ from him. They
preferred the indulgence of their passions to the
security of their power; it was he who had en-
abled them to make the choice which he vainly
censured. If he had reason to complain that
they did not spare the author of their eleva-
tion, the other victims of their tyranny had
much more cause to rejoice in his fate. He
seems to have died unpitied by either of the
parties whom he had alternately courted and
abandoned.

*

any attempt should be made to force them away, every Baotian should lend his aid to rescue them; and that they should not be ob structed in any expedition which they might undertake against the party now in possession of Athens. This measure, though the spirit it breathes is so different from that in which the Theban commander had voted for the extirpation of the Athenian people, was not dictated either by justice or compassion towards Athens, but by jealousy and resentment towards Sparta. Very soon after the close of the war, His death released the Thirty-among whom causes had arisen to alienate the Thebans from it is probable that Satyrus was immediately their old ally. They were always disposed to chosen to supply his place-from the last re- set a high value on the services which they had straints of fear or shame which had kept them rendered to the Peloponnesian cause, and now within any bounds of decency, and they now conceived that they had not been properly reproceeded to bolder and more thorough-going quited. They put forward some claims relating measures. They emulated the ancient tyrants, to the spoil collected at Decelea,* and likewise who had often removed the lowest class of the to the treasure carried to Sparta by Lysander, t commonalty, for whom it was difficult to find which chiefly, it seems, at his instance, had employment, from the capital into the country, been resisted or neglected. Hence they could and prohibited all Athenians who were not on not, without great dissatisfaction, see Athens the list of the Three Thousand from entering in the hands of Lysander's creatures. This the city. But by the oligarchs this step seems feeling was, it must be supposed, encouraged not to have been adopted so much with a view by the democratical party at Thebes, which, to their safety, as to increase the facility of ra- though it had been kept under during the war, pine and murder. They continued to send out still subsisted, not without strength and hopes, their emissaries to seize the persons and con- and in the turn which the public mind had now fiscate the property of the citizens, who were taken against Sparta, saw a prospect of recovnow scattered by their decree over Attica. The ering its ascendency. And there is reason to greater part of the outcasts took refuge in Piræ- believe, as we shall see more clearly in the seus; but when it was found that neither the pop-quel, that like causes now began to affect the ulous town nor their rural retreats could shelter them from the inquisition of their oppressors, numbers began to seek an asylum in foreign cities, and Argos, Megara, and Thebes were soon crowded with Athenian exiles.

state of parties at Corinth in a similar manner.

One of the men whom the Thirty had most cause to fear, and towards whom, in the early period of their reign, many eyes appear to have been turned at Athens in anxious expectation, The oligarchs, notwithstanding their Lace- was removed either before or soon after the dæmonian garrison, and their reliance on Spar-death of Theramenes. Alcibiades, according tan protection, began to be alarmed at the state to the prevailing opinion, was sacrificed to the to which they had reduced themselves, and to suspicions of the oligarchs. They had first, dread the vengeance of their exiled enemies, against the advice of Theramenes, condemned who were waiting so near at hand for an op-him to banishment, and then seem to have apportunity of attacking them; and they applied to the Spartan government to interpose for the

prehended that he might place himself at the head of the malecontents. After the day of Egospotami, he thought himself no longer safe in EuLysias, Eratosth., p. 127, represents him as claiming rope, and, crossing over to Asia, took refuge in this merit in his speech before the council-ovciowy or the court of Pharnabazus, and insinuated himпάνTWV TWV пεпрaуynévwv avròs airios. There are, how-self, with his wonted address, into his favour. ever, no expressions to this effect in Xenophon's report.

*

But Critias, as we have seen, used this as a topic for height- The satrap granted the revenues of a Phrygian
ening the guilt of his apostacy — αὐτὸς ἄρξας τῆς πρὸς
Λακεδαιμονίους φιλίας, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ δήμου καταλύσεως.
Xen., Hell. ii., 3, 28.

Xen., Hell., iii., s. 5. Justin, v., 11.

Plut., Lvs.. 27

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.own for his maintenance; but Alcibiades, it is said, determined to go up to the royal residence, having made some discoveries as to the designs of Cyrus, which he believed would be acceptable to his brother Artaxerxes, who was now on the throne, and it seems to have been at the outset of his journey that he was cut off by a violent death. A house in which he slept was set on fire in the night; and when he rushed out, he found himself surrounded by a band of barbarians, who despatched him with their missiles. But as to the immediate occasion of this event, there was a great variety of contradictory reports among the ancients, from which it is now impossible to disentangle the truth. It was generally believed that the assassins were emissaries of Pharnabazus, under the command of his brother Magæus, and his uncle Susamithres. But the satrap's motives were various ly explained. Some attributed his conduct to his own jealousy of Alcibiades, others to the imperious demands of the Spartan government, which required the exile's life, either to secure itself and its Athenian friends, or to gratify the animosity of Agis. Alcibiades was undoubtedly formidable and obnoxious enough to be the object of such a proceeding on the part of Sparta; but the compliance of Pharnabazus is not so easily reconciled with all that we know of his manly and open character. The other explanation, however, is still less probable. So that, unless we should suppose that the murderers were in the pay of Sparta, we might be rather inclined to adopt another story mentioned by Plutarch, which attributed the death of Alcibiades to the revenge of some private persons whose sister he had dishonoured. He left a son of the same name, but of very inferior talents, and a fortune, which, notwithstanding the opportunities he had of enriching himself during the years in which he commanded with uninterrupted success on the coast of Asia, proved, contrary to the public expectation, smaller than the patrimony he received from his guardians.* As misfortune and difficulty commonly drew forth the highest powers of his mind, and the best features of his character, it is possible enough that the abrupt termination of his checkered career may have prevented the execution of designs more honourable to himself, and more useful to his country, than any plans of his early ambition.

Thrasybulus, like Alcibiades, had been formally banished by the Thirty, though it is not eertain that he was at Athens when their government was established. He was, however, at Thebes when their furious tyranny began to drive the citizens by hundreds into exile; and the temper now prevailing at Thebes encouraged him to undertake the deliverance of his country. Having obtained a small supply of arms and money from his Theban friends, he crossed the border with a band of about seventy refugees, and seized the fortress of Phyle, which stood on an eminence projecting from the side of Mount Parnes, with which it was connected by a narrow ridge with precipitous sides, twelve or thirteen miles from Athens. The fortifications had either escaped when the other Attic strongholds were demolished by the Thirty, or were soon restored to a defensible Lysias, De Aristoph. Bon., p. 156.

state. The oligarchs, confident that they should soon be able to crush so feeble an enemy, marched against them with the Three Thousand and their equestrian partisans, and, as soon as they arrived at the foot of the hill of Phyle, ordered or permitted some of their younger troops, who were eager for the service, to attack the fortress. This assault, however, was repulsed, and they saw that it would be necessary to reduce the place by blockade; but a heavy fall of snow compelled them to abandon their design and to return to the city. Their retreat, if it was not, as Diodorus describes it, accompanied with a panic, seems to have been ill conducted. Thrasybulus and his little band fell upon their rear, and cut off a number of the camp followers, and probably made themselves masters of part of the baggage.

Though, however, the state of the weather rendered a siege for the present impracticable, the Thirty deemed it expedient to check the excursions which the garrison might be imboldened to make into the interior, and sent out the Lacedæmonian auxiliaries, with two squadrons of horse, to encamp about two miles from Phyle. Thrasybulus had by this time been re-enforced by so many other exiles, that he found himself at the head of 700 men. With this force he came down from Phyle in the night, and halted, unobserved, about half a mile from the enemy. The ground which they had chosen for their encampment was covered with wood or bushes, which, perhaps, favoured his design of surprising them. At daybreak, at the most unguarded hour, just after the men had risen, and were, for the most part, dispersed, at a distance from their arms, he fell upon them, killed 120 of the infantry, and put the rest to flight, and pursued them for a mile; then, after erecting a trophy and collecting all the arms he could find on the scene of his vie tory, he returned to Phyle, before a fresh body of horse, which was sent from the city as soon as his exploit was known there, arrived.

The Thirty now began to be alarmed at the boldness and success of Thrasybulus, and thought it advisable to take precautions for se curing themselves against the consequences of any farther reverses. They saw that they might possibly be dislodged from Athens, and determined to provide themselves with another place of refuge. Perhaps Critias already perceived that he could not depend on all his colleagues, and he seems to have been the principal contriver of the atrocious plan which was now adopted. He and his colleagues, attended by their cavalry, proceeded to Eleusis, with the professed intention of inspecting and registering the military force of the place, under the pretext of providing for its defence. Their fol lowers were posted by the seaside, neat a postern through which the devoted Eleusinians, who were citizens of the best condition, were ordered to pass, and were all arrested as they came out of the town. When they were se cured, Critias and his band crossed over to Salamis, and acted a similar scene there. The prisoners taken in both places amounted to

*Οποι ἐδεῖτο ἕκαστος. Schneider's alteration of the text, both in this passage and in vii., 1, 16 (except that is the latter rot is required), seems entirely to pervert Xen ophon's meaning. It is strange that he should not hav scented the euphemism.

BATTLE OF MUNYCHIA.

gether to about 300. They were all carried to Athens, and committed to the custody of the Eleven. The next day the citizens, both of the infantry and the cavalry, were summoned to meet in the Odeum, which was partly occupied by the Lacedæmonian garrison. Critias addressed them in a short speech, reminding them that they were no less concerned in the preservation of the Constitution they enjoyed than himself and his colleagues, and that, as they partook of the privileges it conferred, they must not shrink from their share in the risk of defending it. He therefore called upon them to show their devotion to the common cause by condemning the prisoners to death, and pointed out the place where they were openly to declare their sentence. It was passed unanimously against the prisoners, though with reluctance by all but the most abandoned ministers of the tyranny, and they were all executed.

501

pressure from the higher ground, and were put to flight and pursued into the plain. The slaughter was much less than might have been expected under such circumstances, and was, probably, restrained by the humanity of the victors. Only seventy of the common men in the defeated army were killed; but the day was rendered memorable by the death of Critias, his colleague Hippomachus, and his kinsman Charmides, one of the Ten of Piræus. The conquerors, with a noble tenderness, abstained from stripping their slain countrymen, except of the arms which they themselves so much needed. The restitution of the bodies led to an interchange of words between the adverse ranks; and Cleocritus, the herald of the Mysteries, who was gifted with a voice of extraordinary power, took the opportunity of proclaiming silence, and then of addressing an affecting remonstrance on the part of his friends, the exiles, to their adversaries. "Why," he Thrasybulus was now encouraged by his suc- asked, "do you drive us from our homes? why cesses and his growing numbers to a bolder seek the blood of your fellow-citizens-of men attempt. Four days after his victory he de- who have never wronged you, who have shared scended from Phyle with 1000 men, and march- with you your holiest sanctuaries and sacried by night into Piræus, where he found the fices, your most cheerful festivals, the pleasures population of the place ready to aid him. The and pursuits of peace, the dangers of war? In oligarchs immediately assembled their forces, the name of every tie-of religion, kindred, horse and foot, and issued from the city. friendship—which binds us together, no longer Thrasybulus, seeing the circuit of Piræus too neglect your duty to our common country for large to be defended by his troops, did not at- the sake of serving miscreants who have shed tempt to repel the enemy, but awaited his ap- more Athenian blood in the course of eight proach on a road which led up the hill of Muny- months than the Peloponnesians in ten years chia. The army of the Thirty advanced, unre- of war; who, when we might have lived tosisted, through the heart of Piræus, till it reach-gether in peace, have forced us into an impious ed the foot of this hill, where it was compress- and unnatural combat, which has cost lives ed, by the nature of the ground, into a phalanx of fifty deep. In front of it the heavy infantry of Thrasybulus filled up the breadth of the road, There was so much of reason as well as of but only stood ten deep. Behind them, how- feeling in this expostulation, that the commandever, on the upper part of the declivity, were ers on the opposite side dreaded its effect on stationed the light troops, dartmen, and sling- their troops, and led them back to the city. The ers, in great numbers; for, as the population events of the day, especially the death of Critof Piræus was all friendly, few, perhaps, who ias, unfolded the germs of discord among the could find missiles of any kind were absent. Thirty and their adherents. There were some As the enemy approached, Thrasybulus came of the Thirty who were not quite so violent as forward, and animated his men by the recollec- their colleagues; and among the Three Thoution of their recent success and the prospect of sand, the majority, having kept clear of a direct a just vengeance, pointing to the ranks which participation in the rapine and bloodshed of the they had routed but a few days before, and to preceding period, though desirous of preserving the tyrants by whom they had been deprived their power and privileges, were willing to of property, homes, friends, kinsmen, and all change the men and measures which had renthings included in the name of country. These dered them odious. Accordingly, an assembly merciless oppressors the divine justice had at was held, in which the Thirty were deposed, length delivered into their hands, crowded to- and a new College of Ten-one from each tribe gether in a position where they would be a butt-appointed in their stead. Two of the Thirty, for the missiles showered on them from above, and would be unable to return one with effect. He exhorted them to seize the propitious moment, in which victory was certain and death glorious.

He was attended by a soothsayer who showed a spirit worthy of a descendant of Codrus. He enjoined his friends not to begin the onset till one of their side should be slain or wounded, and assured them that the result would be happy for them, though fatal to himself. To fulfil his own prediction, he rushed forward, and fell, charging the advancing foe. The battle then began. The troops of the Thirty could not long sustain the shower of missiles and the

Lysias, Eratosth., p. 125. Agorat., p. 132.

over which we who took them have wept, perhaps, not less than you who have lost them."

Phido and Eratesthenes, were members of the new college; the rest retired, with their most devoted partisans, to Eleusis.

The men who were thus raised to power were known, according to Lysias, to have been bitter enemies of Critias, and it was therefore expected that this revolution would have been attended by an accommodation with the exiles; and Phido, in particular, is said to have been chosen for the express purpose of bringing about such an agreement. But it was soon discover ed that these hopes were groundless, and that the new rulers were not less bent on overpow ering the exiles in Piræus than on excluding the faction of Eleusis. Thrasybulus, therefore, continued to make preparations for prosecuting

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