able suspicion; and though at any other time | tion, where Alcibiades performed the part of

the Hierophant, and his companions represented other sacred personages-the Torch-bearer and the Herald-who executed the most solemn fuctions in the Eleusinian rites. It seems to have been after this that Androcles, a man who had acquired great influence in the assembly, and an avowed enemy of Alcibiades, declared himself ready to bring forward slaves and foreigners, who could convict him of a variety of similar offences. He endeavoured to connect these charges with the mysterious mutilation of the Hermes busts, and to persuade the people that the whole was the result of a deep plot laid by Alcibiades and his partisans against liberty.*

the deed might easily have been attributed to a sally of intemperate levity, it was difficult to believe that it had taken place by mere chance at so critical a moment. If, however, it had been planned, and by Athenians, the object could not have been slight which had tempted them to expose themselves to the penalties of sacrilege; and the next thought that presented itself was, that a plot had been formed against the state, and that the outrage was either a pledge of union among the conspirators, or was in some other way connected with their main design. There were demagogues who foresaw the advantage which they might derive from the fears of the multitude, and who gave them a more definite direction, by representing what had happened as a prelude to a revolution by which the democracy was to be overthrown. The assembly and the council of Five Hundred held several extraordinary sittings within a few days. Commissioners were appointed to inquire into the affair;* and great rewards were offered for a discovery of the perpetrators of the sacrilege. By the same decree, informers, of whatever condition, freemen or slaves, citi-lar feelings, he had reason to expect a favoura zens or strangers, were invited by a promise of impunity, to reveal any other act of impiety which had come to their knowledge.

· Alcibiades was desirous of being put imme diately upon his trial, for all his hopes of clear ing himself from the accusation depended upon his presence. Whether innocent or guilty, he saw enough of the temper of the people, and knew the malice and arts of his enemies well enough to be sure that, if he left his cause undecided, he had no chance of an acquittal. But, notwithstanding the feverish state of the pop

ble verdict, if he was permitted to defend himself before the armament sailed, for he would then have a hold on the fears of the people, which he might trust more safely than either its partiality or its justice. In the army was a body of troops from Argos and from Mantinea, which had been engaged in the expedition chiefly through his interest, and would probably abandon it if he was deprived of his command, and it was in the military class of his fellow-citizens that his popularity chiefly lay. His ene mies were also aware of the advantage which he would derive from these auxiliaries, and perhaps regretted that they had not reserved

This invitation seems to have been, secretly at least, pointed against Alcibiades, who, as we have already mentioned, had incurred a suspicion-which the poet Eupolis had even made the subject of a dramatic satire of having sometimes, in a circle of his most intimate companions, celebrated a kind of profane and intemperate orgies. It was not known what was the precise nature of these secret revels, and the ludicrous exaggerations of the comic stage would not have led to any serious proceedings; but the rumour, by its connexion with the sub-their charges to his absence. But as they ject which now engaged public attention, had could not themselves decently resist his deperhaps set the enemies and rivals of Alcibia- mand of an immediate trial, they put forward des on making farther inquiries or on fabrica- some of their partisans, who were not so nototing new charges. Yet the first informations riously unfriendly to him, and who could advise, which were drawn forth by the decree seem with an appearance of impartiality, that the exnot to have concerned him, but to have related pedition should not be delayed on his account, to some offences committed on former occa- but that he should come back to be tried at a sions, when certain sacred images had been more convenient time. It was in vain that he mutilated like those of Hermes, but, as it plain-protested against the hardship of being sent out ly appeared, merely in sport, by young men heated with wine.

The armament was nearly ready to sail, when in an assembly held by the generals-perhaps to make their last report to the people, and to fix the day of their departure-one Pythonicus rose to lay a new information. He undertook to convict Alcibiades of divulging the Eleusinian mysteries by a profane imitation of them in a private house before uninitiated persons; and he offered to produce a slave named Andromachus, belonging to one Polemarchus-a friend, it would seem, of Alcibiades-who had been an eye-witness, and who, if assured of impunity, would give a decisive proof of the fact; for he would mention secrets which could lawfully be known to none but the initiated. The slave's evidence was immediately received. He described a mimic celebration of the mysteries, at which he had been present with other slaves and uninitiated persons in the house of Poly.

* Ζητηταί.

with such a charge hanging over him, while his enemies were left at leisure to calumniate him behind his back, and that he even urged the im prudence of intrusting a man who was labouring under so grave an imputation with such an important command. His remonstrances were overruled, and the trial was put off to an indefinite period.

The day at length came which had been appointed for the sailing of the fleet. The greater part of the allies and the transports had been ordered to meet it at Corcyra. Their absence did not diminish the interest of the spectacle which presented itself on the morning when the Athenian forces came down to embark at Piræus. Almost the whole population of Ath ens, citizens and foreigners, accompanied them to the water side, and lined the shores of the harbour. The many tender and mournful part ings of relatives and friends who now took

* On the order in which these charges were made, ses Appendix IV.

leave of one another, awakened a general feel- rest. The army included 5000 heavy infantry, ing of patriotic anxiety, which could scarcely among whom 1500 were Athenians, selected find room in the first glow of ambitious hope, from the regular muster-rolls; 700 were taken and in the subsequent bustle of preparation, but from the lowest class, the Thetes, to serve on now allayed the pride with which the Athenian board in sea-fights. Among the allies who spectators contemplated so magnificent a dis- made up the remaining number were 500 Arplay of their power. It was hardly possible for gives, and 250 Mantineans and mercenaries, them to reflect, without uneasiness, how much perhaps from other Arcadian towns. The light of the strength and wealth of Athens was about troops were 480 archers, of whom 80 came to be committed to the perils of a long voyage from Crete; 700 Rhodian slingers, and 150 Meand a distant war. So mighty an armament garians of the exiled party. For cavalry, nothad scarcely ever before issued from Piræus, or withstanding the warnings of Nicias, the aid from any Greek port; and though that with of the Sicilians seems to have been confidently which Pericles invaded Peloponnesus in the expected, and it was thought sufficient to send first year of the war, and which was afterward a single transport with a troop of thirty horse. employed against Potidæa, was not inferior in The fleet was accompanied by thirty vessels numbers, this far surpassed it in the care and laden with provision, having on board, besides cost of its equipment, which corresponded to the slaves employed in preparing it, a company the probable duration, and to the various ob- of masons and carpenters, and a store of tools jects of the expedition. The galleys were fur- for fortification. A hundred boats had been nished by the state, but, according to the Athe-pressed into the service; but a number of mernian law, were fitted out at the expense of the chantmen and of small craft followed on priwealthy citizens who commanded them; and vate commercial adventures. When the genthe captains, transported by the general ardour, erals had reviewed the whole armament, they vied with each other in their endeavours to en- divided it into three squadrons, which they took, gage the best seamen by an increase of the each one under his separate command, the more regular pay allowed by the government, and easily to preserve order, and to find shelter and strove to distinguish themselves by the gallant entertainment on the passage; and they sent show of their vessels. The like emulation pre- forward three ships to learn which of the Italvailed both among officers and men in the land ian and Sicilian towns were willing to receive force, and displayed itself as well in the selec-them, but more particularly to ascertain the tion of the troops as in the splendour of their arms and accoutrements. To the sums thus expended from necessity or ostentation, and to those which would be required for the future supply of the service, were to be added, as Thucydides observes, all that had been provided by prudent men to meet the extraordinary emergencies of the campaign, and those which were exported by merchants and by military adventurers with a view to commercial profit; the whole of what was thus embarked amounted to a great treasure. The strangers present, while they gazed with wonder on the splendour of the armament, were no less struck by the boldness of the enterprise, and the vastness of the objects for which it was designed.

When all was got ready for the departure, silence was proclaimed by the sound of the trumpet; and, after a pause, the solemn prayers for a prosperous voyage were offered, not separately, as usual, in each galley, but pronounced by a herald, and repeated simultaneously through the fleet; and the chorus of supplication was swelled by the voices of the multitude, both of citizens and if there were any who wished well to Athens-of foreigners on shore. At the same time, in every ship libations were poured, both by officers and men, from vessels of gold and silver. When these rites were ended, and the pæan was sung, the armament moved slowly out of the harbour in a column, which broke up as soon as it got to sea; and it then pushed across the gulf with all the speed each galley could make, to Ægina, and thence pursued its voyage to Corcyra.

At Corcyra its whole strength was for the first time seen collected. The fleet consisted of 134 galleys, besides two Rhodians of lower rate. Athens alone furnished a hundred-sixty fighting galleys, and forty for the transport of soldiers; Chios and other allies contributed the

real amount of the subsidy which might be expected from Segesta. These ships were to return as quickly as possible, and meet them on their way.

But

In this order the armament crossed over to the Iapygian Foreland, and proceeded along the Italian coast to Rhegium. None of the cities by which it passed would either open their gates to the troops, or afford them a market; at Tarentum and Locri they were not even allowed to come to moorings, or to take in water. But at Rhegium they found a still stronger proof of the alarm which they inspired. Here, as in a city of Chalcidian origin, which had actively supported them in their former expeditions, and was attached to their interest by its inveterate enmity to Locri, they had looked for a friendly reception and ready succour. the Rhegians would not admit them into their town, and the Athenians were obliged to encamp in a sanctuary of Artemis without the walls. Here they hauled their ships on shore, and the Rhegians supplied them with a market; but when they were urged to co-operate towards redressing the wrongs of their kinsmen, the Leontines, they refused to take any part in the war without the concurrence of the other Italiots. The Athenian generals were forced to content themselves with this answer, and anxiously waited for the report which they expected from Segesta, which would, in a great measure, determine the plan of their future operations in Sicily.

The news of the Athenian preparation had reached Syracuse through several channels before the armament sailed; and Hermocrates had received some private intelligence which left no room for doubt as to its destination. An assembly was held to deliberate on the rumours which had begun to spread, and which, though generally disbelieved, created some de

authority was likely to have the greatest weight with his colleagues, was averse to the enter prise, and would seize any fair pretext for gir ing it up.

But Hermocrates was so far from being able to carry this vigorous measure, that a large party of the assembly persisted in treating the ru mour as incredible; some made a jest of it; others, supposing it well founded, could see no danger; a very small number adopted his views. A popular orator, named Athenagoras, who seems to have been invested with a kind of

of the commonalty, not only rejected the report with scorn, but inveighed severely against its authors. It was, he observed, not at all likely, though every Syracusan ought to wish it might be true, that the Athenians would be so infatuated as, while the Peloponnesians were still hostile to them, to embark in a new war, quite as full of difficulty and danger as that which they left behind them. Should they come, they would find Sicily much better provided with means of defence than Peloponnesus; and Syr. acuse alone would be more than equal to twice such a force as they were said to have raised It was impossible that they could transport to such a distance the cavalry, or the infantry, or the stores and ammunition necessary for such an undertaking. It would be a desperate one, even if they had the command of a city as large as Syracuse, and in its neighbourhood; how much more when all Sicily would be hostile to them, and when, even if they were able to land and to keep their ground, they would be confined to the precincts of such a camp as they could form with their ships, and the scanty means at their disposal. But the greater the absurdity of such a project, the less readily ought they to impute it to a people so politic and conversant with affairs as the Athenians. It was, howev er, easy to trace these idle rumours to their fountain-head, and to see that they sprang from the criminal ambition of a restless faction, which hoped, by spreading consternation among the people, to veil its designs, and to steal its way to power. He should be at his post to protect the commonalty from the machinations of its enemies. And he ended his speech by addressing the oligarchical party in a strain of dignified reproof and expostulation on the folly and heinousness of their conduct.

gree of anxiety. Hermocrates came forward to confirm their truth, and to offer such counsels as the occasion suggested. After assuring his audience that, incredible as the fact might appear, he had ascertained, on good authority, that the Athenians had fitted out a great armament, which by this time was on its way, and which, under pretence of succouring Segesta and restoring the Leontines, was designed for nothing less than the subjugation, first of Syracuse, and then of all Sicily, he desired them not, through wilful incredulity or presumptuous confidence, to neglect the pre-tribunician character, as the official advocate cautions required for their safety; but, on the other hand, to entertain no fears of the impending invasion. The greatness of the hostile armament would give them one great advantage, as it would probably unite the other Siceliots in their cause; and if, as experience had shown to be the ordinary issue of expeditions sent out to so great a distance from home, it should either be totally defeated or should utterly fail of its object, the state against which it was directed would reap the glory, though the enemy should have been baffled by natural or accidental obstacles. It was thus that the Athenians had gained the largest share in the honour of repelling the barbarians, because they were principally threatened. He advised them calmly, but actively, to prepare for meeting the approaching attack; to repair and strengthen the defences of their city, to secure their dominion over the Sicels who were subject to them by fortifications and garrisons, and to endeavour to gain the independent tribes to their alliance; to send embassies over Sicily, and engage their Greek brethren to join them in warding off the common danger; and others into Italy, to make a league with the Italiots, or, at least, to keep them from siding with the Athenians. He even thought that it might be advisable to apply to Carthage, which he knew had long viewed the power of Athens with apprehension, and when she saw it threatening an island so near her own shores, might be roused to interpose; and no state had greater treasures at its command, or was in other respects a more powerful ally. But, at least, no time should be lost in sending to Sparta and to Corinth to procure succours, and to urge them to renew hostilities with Athens. There was, however, another measure which he would propose, though he did not feel equally confident of obtaining their consent. He would not wait to be attacked, but would fit out a fleet, the strongest which they could collect with the aid of their Sicilian allies, and would send it, victualled for a two months' voyage, to Tarentum. If they arrived there before the Athenians had crossed the Ionian Gulf, they might find an opportunity, on a friendly coast, of assailing the invading armament to great advantage on its passage, and of weakening and distressing it, even if they did not strike a fatal blow. But he thought it still more probable that by the boldness of this movement they should so confound the enemy, who expected no resistance, that he would be detained, deliberating and collecting intelligence, at Corcyra, until the sailing season was past, or would abandon the expedition altogether. Such a result would be the less surprising, as the most expeienced of the Athenian commanders, whose

One of the generals now rose to put a stop to the debate, and censured the turn which Athe nagoras had given to it by his insinuations. "Even if the alarm proved groundless, they could take no harm from putting themselves on their guard. He and his colleagues would use all diligence, both to ascertain the truth and to provide for the defence of the city." It was not before the Athenians had arrived at Rhegium that the doubts of the Syracusans were removed. They then applied themselves earnestly to make preparations, as expecting an immediate attack.

In the mean while, the three ships which had been sent forward from Corcyra came to the camp at Rhegium. They brought a report from Segesta, which did not surprise Nicias so much as it disappointed his colleagues. It now ap peared that the envoys who had been first sent from Athens to inspect the state of the Seges

tan finances had been imposed upon by a false | sana, to try his arts of negotiation, but he could show of wealth which had been prepared to prevail no farther with the Messanians than to meet their eye. They had been conducted to obtain the offer of a market for the troops outthe temple of Venus on Mount Eryx, which was side the walls. After his return to Rhegium, indeed rich in consecrated vessels; but, as they the generals manned sixty galleys, with which, were of silver, their value was not so great as leaving the rest at the camp under the care of the splendour of the display. The Athenians, one of his colleagues, most probably Nicias, he however, had been still more dazzled by the sailed, accompanied by the third, along the great quantity of gold and silver plate which coast to Naxos. Naxos opened its gates to they saw piled on the sideboards of the princi- them, and they passed on to Catana; but here pal Segestans by whom they were entertained. was a party favourable to Syracuse, which was But it turned out that these treasures had been strong enough to prevent the Athenians from borrowed for the purpose from some neighbour- being received into the town, and the squadron ing cities, and that they had served, in succes- proceeded to the mouth of the river Terias, sion, to adorn all the banquets at which the where it was moored for the night. The next Athenians had admired them. When it be- morning it moved in a column towards Syrcame necessary for the Segestans to reveal acuse; ten galleys were sent forward to enter their real condition, it appeared that they were the Great Harbour, to ascertain the state of the unable to raise more than thirty talents to de-enemy's naval preparations, and to observe the fray the cost of the war. This disappointment general features of the town, the harbours, and increased the dejection with which the Atheni- the neighbourhood which was to be the theatre an generals had been struck by the repulse they of war. It was also ordered that, as they sailmet with in their application to Rhegium. And ed by the town, a proclamation should be made, when they now proceeded to confer with one declaring that the Athenians were come to reanother, Nicias proposed that they should forth-store their allies and kinsmen, the Leontines, with sail to Selinus, and call upon the Seges-to their country, and inviting those who were tans to supply pay, if not for the whole arma- residing at Syracuse to quit the hostile city, ment, at least for the sixty ships which they and to take shelter in the camp of their friends had asked for that on this condition they and benefactors. No hostile navy appeared in should stay until they had brought the Selinun- the harbour; but a Syracusan galley fell into tians, either by force or negotiation, to a com- the hands of the Athenians, as it was crossing promise; but as this was the avowed object of over to the town with the tablets containing a the expedition, with this he would end it, and list of the serviceable citizens, which were kept -unless some opportunity should offer itself of in a temple in the outskirts: a capture which doing a service to the Leontines, or of gaining was afterward interpreted as an ironical fulfilany other ally among the Sicilian cities-after ment of the prediction which had promised that having coasted the island, to exhibit the power the Athenians should take all the Syracusans.* of Athens, he would return home, and not sub- When this commission had been executed, the ject the state to any farther cost and risk. Al- whole squadron returned to Catana. During cibiades thought that it would be disgraceful to the absence of the Athenians their Catanian retire without having made any other use of partisans seem to have bestirred themselves, their great armament: he advised that they and succeeded in gaining permission for the should open negotiations with all the Siceliot generals to enter the town and address the astowns except Syracuse and Selinus, and en-sembly, which was held to consider their prodeavour first to win Messana, which, on account posals. Accordingly, they landed with a part of its situation, was peculiarly important; that of their troops, and, leaving them at the gates, they should excite the Sicels, subjects of Syra- were admitted to an audience. The attention cuse, to revolt; and persuade the rest to aid of all Catana was attracted to the debate; and, them with troops and corn; and then, having while the people was listening to Alcibiades, ascertained the allies on whom they had to some of the Athenian soldiers, straying round reckon, that they should attack Syracuse and the walls, discovered a postern which had been Selinus. Lamachus was of opinion that, before walled up, but in so slight a manner that they the terror excited by their first appearance was were tempted to force it, and, having entered suffered to subside, they should sail to Syracuse, unobserved, they proceeded quietly, without and endeavour to draw the enemy into a battle any hostile intention, to the market-place; but, before he had collected his strength and his as they were followed by their comrades, their courage. They would probably find the Syra- presence did not remain long unnoticed, and, cusans unprepared and in dismay: they might being attributed to design, it struck the partiexpect to enrich themselves by much booty still sans of Syracuse with such consternation that left in the country; and a victory would be the they immediately withdrew from the city. The most efficacious argument to decide the other Si- opposite party, which was by far the most nucilian cities in their favour. For the farther pros-merous, and had probably only found a difficulty ecution of the war, he would encamp at Megara, which was uninhabited, and at a short distance, whether by sea or land, from Syracuse.

It was necessary that two at least of the generals should sacrifice their opinions; and, as the plan of Alcibiades was a middle course between the two extremes proposed by his colleagues, it was adopted by Lamachus much less reluctantly than by Nicias. Alcibiades then crossed over in his own galley to Mes

in overcoming the distrust excited by the magnitude of the Athenian armament, now met with no resistance, and carried a decree for concluding an alliance with Athens, and for inviting the generals to transfer their camp to Catana, and the whole armament was soon after brought over and encamped there.

Information was now received which encouraged the Athenian commanders to hope that ⭑ Plut., Nic., 14.

the sight of their forces would induce Camarina | the witnesses produced by Androcles, in a forto embrace their cause, and it was at the same time reported that the Syracusans were manning a fleet. They therefore sailed, with the whole armament, to Camarina, and in their way touched at Syracuse, where they discovered that the rumour of the Syracusan preparations was groundless; but at Camarina, likewise, they were disappointed. The Camarinæans showed no disposition to receive them, but pleaded the old compact, by which they were only bound to admit a single Athenian ship at a time into their harbours, unless they sent for more of their own accord. In their way back to Catana they made a descent on the Syracusan territory, and, for the first time, were assailed by a party of the enemy's cavalry, which cut off some of the light troops that were scattered in quest of plunder.