settlements in the Cyclades and other islands, | ants, among whom were women said to have and in process of time Delos became a common sprung from the Amazons, its reputed founders. sanctuary of the Ionian race. The Asiatic Colophon was in the possession of Cretans, who coast, henceforth called Ionia, and the neighbouring islands of Chios and Samos, were at this time inhabited by tribes of various origin, some of which, as the Carians, the Leleges, and the descendants of the Cretan colonists, had been long in possession of the country, while others had been recently driven from Greece by causes similar to those which produced the Ionian migration. The new invaders appear readily to have united with all but the Carians and the Leleges, who were commonly expelled or exterminated. Twelve independent states were gradually formed, which, notwithstanding the widely-different elements of which they were composed, a diversity no doubt connected with that of the dialects which they spoke in the time of Herodotus, all assumed the Ionian name, and were regarded as parts of one nation. Herodotus thinks that they were designedly confined to this number, which was that of the Peloponnesian towns abandoned to the Achæans, and which appears to have prevailed from the earliest times in the Ionian institutions; yet we shall see reasons for doubting whether they were not accidentally reduced

to it.

had taken the place of the earlier Carian population. With them the Ionians, under Damasichthon and Promethus, sons of Codrus, agreed to dwell on terms of equality. Another son of Codrus, Andræmon or Andropompus, drove the Carians out of Lebedus. Strabo seems to intimate that he was obliged to take up a position at a neighbouring place called Artis, before he could make himself master of the town. Teos had been previously occupied by Minyans from Orchomenus, led by a chief called Athamas, who is said to have been a descendant of the ancient hero of that name. They were intermingled with the Carians; and the Ionians, on their arrival, were peaceably admitted to a share in the colony, which not long after received a fresh band of adventurers from Attica, commanded by chiefs of the line of Codrus, and an other from Boeotia. It seems to have been later before Erythræ became a member of the Ionian body; for Cnopus, or Cleopus, son of Codrus, is said to have settled there with a band of followers collected from all the Ionian cities. He found, it is said, a population composed of Cretans, Carians, Lycians, and Pamphylians, with whom he formed an amicable union.

Ionian wanderers, mingled with a larger body of emigrants, who had quitted Cleonæ and Phlius after the Dorian invasion: a coalition indi- ` cating a national affinity, which is confirmed by the early history of Peloponnesus. Phocæa, lying at the northern extremity of Ionia, was built on ground obtained by compact from the Cumæans by a colony of Phocians. They had been furnished with the means of transport by two Athenians, Philogenes and Damon, who shared their fortunes. Yet the Ionians would not acknowledge them as brethren until they had accepted princes of the line of Codrus from Erythræ and Teos.

These twelve colonies were Samos, Chios (the chief town in each bore the name of the All these towns were in existence, some perisland), Miletus, Myus, Priene, Ephesus, Colo-haps flourishing, before the Ionian migration; phon, Lebedus, Teos, Erythra, Clazomena, and but Clazomena and Phocæa owed their origin Phocæa. The accounts left to us of their found- to that event. Clazomena was founded by ation are scanty, and not always easily reconciled. We shall notice some of them, to show the mixed character of the population. Herodotus seems to consider Miletus as the place where the original settlers might boast of the purest Ionian blood. This was the seat chosen by Neleus himself. His followers massacred all the males whom they found there-Carians, according to Herodotus-and forced the women to become their wives.* Herodotus does not mention the Cretans, who, according to Ephorus, inhabited the old town of Miletus, while Neleus fixed on a site nearer to the sea, commanding four harbours, all since filled up by the depositions of the Mæander, one of which was capable of containing a fleet. Myus and Priene were also wrested from the Carians, the former by Cydrelus, a bastard son of Codrus: in Priene, the Ionians, headed by Epytus, son of Neleus, are said to have been associated with Thebans, led by Philotas, who are, perhaps, no other than the Cadmeans mentioned by Herodotus among the foreign tribes who shared the Ionian conquest. The same dialect was spoken in these three towns. Androclus, son of Codrus, led his followers to Ephesus, which was inhabited chiefly by Leleges and Lydians, who were expelled by the Ionians. But the temple of the goddess (probably of Asiatic origin) in whom the Greeks recognised their Artemis, afforded an asylum to a considerable number of suppli

Niebuhr (i., p. 133) considers this as an example of the ordinary practice of the early Greek colonists. Herodotus (1., 146) seems to speak of it as an unusual case, and adds that the women transmitted the resentment with which they viewed their rude lovers to their daughters, whom they bound by oaths never to share their meals with their husbands, nor to salute them by their names; perhaps a legendary explanation of some peculiar features in the relations between the sexes at Miletus.

It is difficult to determine what share the Ionians from Attica had in the population of Chios. The poet Ion, a native of the island, and contemporary of Herodotus, related, that at the time of the migration it was inhabited by Carians, Abantes from Euboea, and Cretans, all governed by a prince named Hector, who, though of Euboean origin, made war on the Carians and Abantes, and expelled them from the island; after which he was admitted into the Ionian confederation. Strabo, on the other hand, says that Egertius led a mixed multitude to Chios, but does not mention the quarter from which it came. It seems most probable that the island received colonists from Erythræ, which lay on the opposite coast, as we find it taking a part in the revolutions of Erythræ,† and as they

* Pausanias tells us (vii., 3, 7) that the Carians had settled as friends, the Lycians as kinsmen, of the Cretans, who were believed to have been followers of Erythrus, son of Rhadamanthys; and that the Pamphylians were Greeks who had wandered with Calchas after the fall of Troy. Their name probably marked a tribe composed of many races.

† Athenæus, vi., p. 259, from Hippias, an Erythræan author, who related that Cnopus was murdered at sea by

were distinguished from all the other Ionian | founded by Dorians from Trozen, and Cnidus, cities by a peculiar dialect. We do not find on the same coast, by others from Laconia: a any more distinct account of the mode in which third band from Epidaurus took possession of Samos attained to the same rank, though in the island of Cos, which rivalled its parent in other respects its early history seems somewhat the worship of Esculapius. These six colonies clearer. It had received an Ionian colony ori- formed an association, from which several othginally sprung from Epidaurus, which shared it ers of the same race, and in their neighbourwith its ancient inhabitants, the Leleges. The hood, were excluded, and which, after HalicarEphesians, under Androclus, made war on the nassus had been compelled to withdraw from new settlers, and succeeded in driving them out it, was distinguished by the name of the Dorian of the island. A part crossed the sea to Sam- pentapolis. Rhodes was probably the parent of othrace (which, according to some authors, most of the Greek colonies on the south coast derived its name from them, having been be- of Asia Minor, several of which were ascribed fore called Dardania), and there united with the to Argos, from which she herself sprang. She Tyrrhenian Pelasgians; but another body seiz- may also have contributed to form the Greek ed a place called Anæa, on the opposite shore population of Lycia, a race renowned for its heof Asia, and there waited for an opportunity of roic valour, and for the wisdom of its political returning to Samos. They found means of do- institutions; though there is no reason to quesing so ten years after, and ejected the Ephe- tion its Cretan origin, and its early connexion sians. It must have been after this event that with Greece, which appears both in the Homerthey took their place in the Ionian body, to ic story of Bellerophon, and in the legend that which, indeed, their origin gave them a claim, the country owed its name to Lycus, son of the though they were not governed by Attic prin- Attic king Pandion. We even find traces of ces, but by the descendants of the old Epidau- Greek adventurers far inland, in Pisidia, where rian kings. It was, perhaps, a necessary con- the Leleges formed part of the ancient popucession to the power and importance of the isl-lation, and Selge, the most considerable of the and. We are the less entitled to suppose that any other Ionians were blended with them, as the dialect of Samos was peculiar to itself.

To these twelve cities another was subsequently added, which has had the extraordinary fortune to retain its name and its prosperity to the present day. This was Smyrna: according to Herodotus, originally an Eolian colony, treacherously seized by a body of exiles from Colophon; but another account, resting apparently on better authority, represents it as first founded by Ionians from Ephesus, where a part of the ancient town once bore the name of Smyrna.* It was wrested from these settlers by the Æolians, and the Colophonian refugees, though they acquired it by violence, might be considered as asserting a rightful claim. It is, perhaps, only a distorted form of the same account, which describes Smyrna as having succeeded to the place of a town called Melite, the thirteenth of the list, which was destroyed by the common consent of the other twelve.† But the whole story raises a doubt as to the reason assigned by Herodotus for the number of the Ionian states.

The southwest corner of the Asiatic peninsula, and the neighbouring islands, were occupied nearly at the same period by colonists of a different race. Several of the Dorian conquerors themselves were drawn into the tide of migration, and led bands, composed partly of their own countrymen, and partly of the conquered Achæans, to the coast of Asia. The most celebrated of these expeditions is that which we have already had occasion to mention, of the Argive Althæmenes, who, leaving one division of his followers in Crete, proceeded with the rest to Rhodes, where, according to a legend which probably arose out of this colony, the Heracleid Tlepolemus had founded the cities of Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus before the Trojan war. About the same time Halicarnassus was some false friends, who, with aid afforded by the tyrants of Chios, Amphiclus and Polytecnus, established an oppressive oligarchy at Erythra, which was afterward overthrown by Hippotes, brother of Cnopus. + Vitruvius, iv., 1.

Strabo, xiv., p. 633.

Pisidian towns, and Sagalassus, boasted a Laconian origin.

To the same period-the century following the Dorian conquest-may probably be referred the Greek colonies in Cyprus, though most of them claimed a much higher antiquity, and ascribed their foundation to the heroes who had fought at Troy: as Paphus to the Arcadian Agapenor; Amathus and others to followers of Agamemnon; Soli to the sons of Theseus; Salamis to Teucer, whose son Ajax was believed to have founded the temple of Jupiter at Olbe, in the mountains of Cilicia, where the priests, who were also princes of the surrounding district, long assumed the names of Ajax or Teucer.*

We must here drop the history of the Asiatic colonies, to which we shall shortly return to observe their condition and progress. A long interval seems to have elapsed before the state of the mother-country gave occasion to new migrations, and then they took, for the most part, an opposite direction. It was in the course of the century following the beginning of the Olympiads that the Greeks established themselves on the coast of Sicily, and spread so far over the south of Italy that it acquired the name of Great, or the Greater Greece. These colonies, like those of Asia, were of various origin, some Eolian or Achæan, some Dorian, some Ionian. The Ionians led the way; and the city of Chalcis in Euboea, perhaps originally inhab ited by an Ionian race, but which is said to have received Athenian settlers both before and after the Trojan war, sent out, if not the first Greek adventurers who explored the Italian and Sicilian coast, yet the first who were known to have gained a permanent footing there. Indeed, according to a generally-received tradition, Cuma, in the part of Italy afterward called Campania, was founded by a Chalcidian colony, in the middle of the century following the return of the Heracleids; and one of the dates assigned for its foundation would even make it precede that of the Eolian Cuma, from which the Campanian city was believed to have derived both its *Strabo, xiv., p. 672.

tradition, by observing that the Chalcidians under Theocles were the first Greeks who gained a footing in Sicily.

name and a part of its population. It seems better to suppose that its antiquity has been greatly exaggerated than that it owed its name to a third Cuma in Euboea, which is otherwise The Sicels and the Phoenicians gradually retotally unknown. But it is singular that, ac- treated before the Greeks, whose colonies, in cording to the common calculation, for three the course of a century, covered the eastern centuries no adventurers followed in the same and southern sides of the island. But the Sitrack; and that even then, if we may believe cels maintained themselves in the island and on Ephorus, the first Greek settlement in Sicily the north coast, and the Phoenicians, or Carthawas the result of a fortunate chance, which re- ginians who succeeded them, established themvealed the richness of the country and the selves in the west, where they possessed the weakness of its inhabitants to Theocles, an towns of Motya, Solus, and Panormus, destined, Athenian, who was driven upon its coast. Till under the name of Palermo, to become the capthen the Greeks are said to have been deterred ital of Sicily. The Chalcidians of Naxos soon no less by the ferocity of the islanders than by after planted the new colonies of Leontium and the Etruscan pirates who infested their waters. Catana, and the two cities which command the On his return to Greece, Theocles first endeav- straits were also of Chalcidian origin. The oured to induce his fellow-citizens to send out peculiarly advantageous site of Messina had bea colony to Sicily, and when he failed in this fore attracted the Sicels, who, from the form of attempt, addressed himself to the Chalcidians, its harbour, gave their town the name of Zanwith whom he was more successful.* Chalcis clé (a sickle). It was then seized by pirates was at this time, as for more than two centuries from the Italian Cuma, who were afterward afterward, under the government of the great strengthened by new adventurers from Chalcis. landowners, who seem to have had political Rhegium is said to have been founded, under motives for encouraging emigration among the the immediate direction of the Delphic oracle, poorer citizens. It had, perhaps, already plant- by a band of Chalcidians, who had been conseed several colonies in the Peninsula, which, with crated to Apollo, after the manner of the Italian the three branches that it throws out towards Sacred Spring, to avert a famine, and were jointhe southeast, forms so remarkable a feature ined by Messenian exiles forced to quit their counthe aspect of the Egæan Sea, and which hence try on the fall of Ithomé.* acquired the name of Chalcidicé, though a considerable part of its Greek population was derived from Eretria, the neighbour and rival of Chalcis. The Isle of Naxos also took a part in the colony which Theocles led from Chalcis to the west-a part so important that the name of Naxos was given to the town which it founded on the eastern coast of Sicily, though Chalcis was acknowledged as its parent. The date of this event may be most probably fixed at Ol. xi., 2, B.C. 735.t

Sicily was at this time inhabited by at least four distinct races: by Sicanians, whom Thucydides considers as a tribe of the Iberians, who, sprung perhaps from Africa, had overspread Spain and the adjacent coasts, and even remote islands of the Mediterranean; by Sicels, an Italian people, probably not more foreign to the Greeks than the Pelasgians, who had been driven out of Italy by the progress of the Oscan or Ausonian race, and in their turn had pressed the Sicanians back towards the southern and western parts of the island, and themselves occupied so large a portion of it as to give their name to the whole. Of the other races, the Phoenicians were in possession of several points on the coast, and of some neighbouring islets, from which they carried on their commerce with the natives. The fourth people, which inhabited the towns of Eryx and Egesta, or Segesta, at the western end of the island, and bore the name of Elymians, was probably composed of different tribes, varying in their degrees of affinity to the Greeks; though we cannot adopt the Grock legend which represented them as fugitives from Troy, mixed with Phocians, or with followers of Philoctetes; and Thucydides himself seems to mark the uncertainty of the *Strabo, vi., p. 267.

+This, however, cannot be safely inferred from Conon, 20. There is no proof that Conon's Theoclus is, as Raoul Rochette assumes (Hist. de Col. Gr, ii., p. 202), the same person with Theocles the founder of Naxos.

But the Greek cities in Sicily which rose to the highest pitch of prosperity and renown were of Dorian foundation. Of these, Syracuse was founded the year after Naxos, by Corinthians, under a leader named Archias, a Heracleid, and probably of the ruling caste, who appears to have been compelled to quit his country to avoid the effects of the indignation which he had excited by a horrible outrage committed in a family of lower rank.† He was accompanied by another Heracleid, Chersicrates, whom he left with a division of his followers in the island of Corcyra, then inhabited by Liburnians, and by a colony of Eretrians, who were expelled by the Corinthians. Corcyra was only one, though the most important of a series of colonies planted by Corinth on the eastern coast of the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea. Syracuse became, in course of time, the parent of other Sicilian cities, among which Camarina was the most considerable. Megara, which had not long become independent of Corinth, followed her ancient sovereign in this field of enterprise, though, as her position naturally directed her attention to an opposite quarter, her inost flourishing and celebrated colonies lay on the coasts of the Propontis and the Bosporus, where, about a century after the foundation of Rome, she planted the future rival of the eternal city, Byzantium. In Sicily, Megarian adventurers, after many vicissitudes, succeeded in establishing themselves at Hybla, which was betrayed to them by a Sicel chief, and was henceforth called the Hyblaan Megara, but became most famous as the mother of the aspiring and ill-fated Selinus (B.C. 628). Forty-five years after Syracuse, Gela was founded

*Strabo and Heraclides assign a different epoch and motive for this Messenian migration, which they refer to the civil dissensions in Messenia which preceded the first war But the Messenians who went into exile as partisans of Androclus seem, from Paus., iv., 14, 3 (quoted by Mueller, Dor., i., 7, 9), not to have left Peloponnesus.

+ Plutarch, Am. Narr., ii.

by a band collected from Crete and Rhodes, | civil discord ;* and this, though seemingly at chiefly from Lindus, and about a century later variance with the traditions of the two places (B.C. 582) sent forth settlers to the banks of where the truth might have been supposed to the Acragas, where they built Agrigentum. Hi- be best known,† is not more inconsistent with mera, long the only Greek city on the north side them than they are with each other, and differs of the island, was peopled by a colony composed from them chiefly in the most marvellous and of Chalcidians from Zanclé, and of Dorians, ex- improbable particulars of the story. Our curiiles from Syracuse. osity might be more reasonably excited to inWithin half a century after the Greeks first quire how it happened that no Greek colonists set foot in Sicily, they founded most of the great had taken the same course before. A rumour, cities in the south of Italy. The rivals Sybaris at least, of the fertility of Libya had reached the and Croton were both of Achæan origin, though Greeks in the time of Homer, as appears from in the former the Achæan colonists were ac- the fable of the Lotus-eaters, and from the mancompanied by Trazenians, whom they after-ner in which he speaks of it in describing the ward expelled, and the latter received settlers wanderings of Menelaus. Yet in the legend from Laconia, who may have been accompanied of Battus it is supposed to have been still an by some Dorians. Such seems also to have unknown country at Thera when he embarked been the case with Locri, called, from the neigh-on his expedition, and to have been discovered bouring promontory, Zephyrium, the Epizephyr- only under the especial guidance of the Delphic ian. The ancients themselves were not agreed oracle. The part of Africa where the Therawhether it was founded by the Locrians of Opus ans finally settled, after a short sojourn on a or by those of the Crissæan Gulf. It seems small island near the coast, was the singular clear that it owed a part of its population to table-land which rises on the eastern border the aristocratical jealousy of the parent state, of the greater Syrtis. Enclosed between the which excluded the offspring of marriages con- sea and the desert, and defensible on the side tracted between parties of unequal birth from where it is least difficult of access, this favourthe enjoyment of political rights.* At Locri, ed region seems destined by nature for the seat also, the Achæans, and perhaps the Dorians of of a powerful maritime state. Blessed with inLaconia, took a share in the colony. Taren- exhaustible sources of wealth, and with a pure tum, occupied, on the occasion already related, and temperate air, it seemed, beyond almost by Laconian settlers at the end of the first Mes- every other shore of the Mediterranean, to insenian war, seems to have been still earlier vite the industry of a people like the Greeks to peopled by a Hellenic race, though they are draw forth its manifold treasures. But it is variously described as Cretans or Achæans. still more remarkable that it appears to have Subsequently Sybaris invited a new colony of been also overlooked or neglected by the PhoAchæans to take possession of Metapontum, nicians; perhaps because their attention was which, according to the common Greek tradi- early drawn from Sicily to the opposite coast tion, had been before founded, in the general of Africa, and thence to the west of Europe. dispersion of the Return from Troy, by follow- At the distance of ten miles from a part of the ers of Nestor: Ephorus, perhaps on better his- coast which, with a little aid of art, afforded a torical ground, related that its first founder was commodious harbour, near the gushing spring a chief named Daulius, who ruled at Crissa. of Cyré, the Greeks founded Cyrene, and soon The dominion of the Greeks in this region was converted the adjacent land into a luxuriant extended and secured by several flourishing garden, while they extracted from its rocky colonies of the greater cities, among which Po- basis the materials of imperishable monuments. sidonia (Pæstum), by its ruins, still attests the Cyrene became, as Pindar expresses it, the root ancient power and magnificence of Sybaris. of other cities-perhaps of several which have been forgotten. Four of them-its port Apollonia, Barcé, Tauchira, and Hesperis, which seemed by its fortunate position to rival or realize the fabulous garden of the Hesperides-composed, with the capital, what in later times was called the Cyrenaic pentapolis.

In the latter half of the seventh century before our era, a country perhaps still richer and more delightful than any hitherto mentioned was opened to the Greeks. We have already given an account of the migration in which Theras led a colony, chiefly of the Minyan race, from Laconia to the island then called Callisté, which is said from him to have taken the name of Thera. We do not venture, amid the contradictory statements of the ancient authors on a subject in its own nature obscure, to determine the causes which, between four and five centuries later, induced Battus, one of the principal citizens of Thera, to undertake an expedition to the north coast of Africa. One account represents his enterprise as the result of

* See Heyne, Opusc., ii., p. 46. The new fragments of Polybius (Mai, ii., p. 384) represent the Locrians to have been allies of Sparta in the first Messenian war, which is also intimated by Eustathius on Dion., p. 364; but it does not appear how they otherwise confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization of Locri, as Mueller remarks in a note, vol. i., p. 146, of the English translation.

The change of name has also been accounted for by the supposition that Calliste was a corruption of the Fhoenician word signifying the chase, which is also the meaning of the Greek name Thera

The tribes which preceded the Greeks in the possession of this region appear to have made room for them without any struggle they are even said to have served as guides to the new settlers, whom they probably found useful neighbours, as a European colony would be to the Bedouins who now range over the same tracts. But their habits must have kept the two races completely apart from each other; and the legend of the sons of Antenor, who had accompanied Helen from Troy, and terminated their wanderings in the vicinity of Cyrene, where they afterward received religious honours, may have been founded simply on the relation subsisting between the Greeks and the friendly barbarians, in whose land they had peaceably

ed the old model, and it is not improbable that the priests who ministered to them were sometimes brought from their ancient seats.* The sacred fire, which was kept constantly burning on the public hearth of the colony, was taken from the altar of Vesta in the council-hall of the elder state. The founder of a colony, who might be considered as representing its parent

fixed their seats.* Afterward, however, in the reign of a second Battus, grandson of the first, the colony was increased by a great influx of adventurers from various parts of Greece, who were invited by the Cyrenæans, under the sanction of the Delphic oracle, to share the fertile soil. But these new settlements could not be formed without encroaching on the neighbouring Libyans, who, too weak to defend their ter-city, was honoured after his death with sacred ritory, sought aid from Egypt. The Egyptian king Apries sent them succours, which, however, were repulsed by the Greeks with a terrible slaughter, and the Greek dominion was firmly established in Cyrenaica.

We have not yet surveyed the whole extent of the colonies founded by the Greeks during this period. But as those which remain to be mentioned will be included in the view which we are about to take of the progress of the Asiatic Greeks, it may be most convenient to pause here for the purpose of making a few remarks on certain general features of the Greek colonies. The points we mean to touch upon are the relation in which the colonists mostly stood to the parent state, and the political forms which arose out of their new condition.

rites, as a being of a higher order; and when the colony in its turn became a parent, it usually sought a leader from the original mothercountry to direct the planting of the new settlement. The same reverential feeling manifested itself more regularly in embassies and offerings sent by the colony to honour the festivals of the parent city, and in the marks of respect shown to its citizens who represented it on similar occasions in the colony. But the most valuable fruit of this feeling was a disposition to mutual good offices in seasons of danger and distress.

many other gradations of rank were frequently introduced by the accession of new adventurers, who, though willingly received, could seldom be admitted on a footing of perfect equality with the first settlers. On the other hand, the maritime position and pursuits of the colonies, and the very spirit in which they were founded, was highly unfavourable to the permanence of an aristocratical ascendency. A powerful and enterprising commonalty soon sprang up, and the natural tendency of the state towards a complete democracy could seldom be restrained, except by the adoption of a liberal standard of property as the measure of political rights.

With regard to the position of the colonists in their new country, it must be observed, that they almost everywhere established themselves as conquerors in a land already inhabited and The migrations of the Greek colonists were cultivated, and partially, if not entirely, disposcommonly undertaken with the approbation and sessed its ancient owners. The terms on which encouragement of the states from which they they might live with those of the old inhabitants issued; and it frequently happened that the who were suffered to remain, would depend on motive of the expedition was one in which the an infinite variety of circumstances. But in interest of the mother-country was mainly con- general, it may be safely presumed that ever cerned, as when the object was to relieve it of where the first people was not reduced to bondsuperfluous hands, or of discontented and turbu- age or to absolute subjection, the conquerors lent spirits. But it was seldom that the parent would maintain a superior station in their postate looked forward to any more remote ad-litical institutions. But between these classes vantage from the colony, or that the colony expected or desired any from the parent state. There was, in most cases, nothing to suggest the feeling of dependance on the one side, or a claim of authority on the other. The sons, when they left their homes to shift for themselves on a foreign shore, carried with them only the blessing of their fathers, and felt themselves completely emancipated from their control. Often the colony became more powerful than its parent, and the distance between them was generally so great as to preclude all attempts to enforce submission. But though they were not connected by the bands of mutual interest, or by a yoke laid by the powerful on the weak, the place of such relations was supplied by the gentler and nobler ties of filial affection and religious reverence, and by usages which, springing out of these feelings, stood in their room, and tended to suggest them where they were wanting. Except in the few cases where the emigrants were forced as outcasts from their native land, they cherished the remem-restrict the power of the hereditary chiefs, and brance of it as a duty prescribed not merely by nature, but by religion. The colony regarded its prosperity as mainly depending on the favour of the tutelary gods of the state to which it owed its birth. They were invited to share the newly-conquered land, and temples were commonly dedicated to them in the new citadel, resembling as nearly as possible, in form and position, those with which they were honoured in the mother-country: their images here renew

* Pindar, Pyth., v., 78, and Thrige, Cyrene, p. 79. Antenor may have been looked upon as the type of friendly natives in a foreign land. VOL. I.-C c

As in the period of the early migrations which followed the return of the Heracleids, the monarchical form of government was almost everywhere prevalent in Greece itself, it was probably very generally established in the colonies. But the cause just noticed, incident to their peculiar situation, tended in the first instance to

gradually to reduce it to a mere shadow, which itself finally disappeared. The history of Cyrene affords a remarkable illustration of the manner in which this change may have been effected in many other cases which are not recorded. The kingly government had been preserved in the Isle of Thera long after it had been almost universally abolished elsewhere

The existence of this custom, however, rests only on an assertion of the scholiast of Thucyd., i., 25, which may have been no more than an erroneous inference from his author'■ words; but it is in some degree confirmed by analogy, and perhaps by what Tacitus (Ann., ii., 54) says of the priesthood at Claros, which has been referred to this usage.