Greece, distinguished by a broad line from the and that the changes they have wrought are excitizens. They were restrained from acquiring empt from the general condition of mutability. property in land: their burdens were heavier, But the very provisions which he made for the and some peculiar to themselves. Each was continual revision and amendment of his laws compelled to purchase the shelter he received seem to show the improbability of Plutarch's from the state by the payment of a small annual account, that he enacted them to remain in sum*-in default of which he was liable to be force for no more than a century. They were sold as a slave-and to place himself under the inscribed on wooden tablets, arranged in pyramguardianship of a citizen, who was his formal idal blocks turning on an axis,* which were representative in the courts of justice. The kept at first in the Acropolis, but were afteraliens were also subject to some duties, which ward, for more convenient inspection, brought seemed designed to mark the inferiority of their down to the Prytaneum. According to Plucondition. In certain solemn processions, as tarch, Solon, after the completion of his work, at the Panathenaic festival, they were compell- found himself exposed to such incessant vexaed to bear a part of the sacred utensils, and tion from the questions of the curious and the their wives and daughters to pay a kind of ser- cavils of the discontented, that he sought and vile attendance on the Attic women. This, obtained permission to withdraw from Athens however, may have been an innovation of a la- for ten years, and set out on the travels in which ter period, when the value of the civic franchise he visited Asia Minor, Cyprus, and Egypt, colhad risen with the power of the state. Solon lecting and diffusing knowledge, and everyis said to have admitted many to the freedom where leaving traces of his presence in visible of the city, and those who had earned the fa- monuments, or in the memories of men. But vour of the people might be rewarded with an there is some difficulty in reconciling this story immunity which relieved them from their pe- with chronology, since it supposes him to have culiar burdens, and placed them, with respect found Croesus reigning in Lydia, who did not to taxation, on a level with the citizens. It mount the throne within twenty or thirty years may be considered as an indication of the same after, and the alleged occasion of the journey spirit in which Solon cherished commerce and is very doubtful, though it is in substance the manufactures, that he removed one of the re- same with that assigned by Herodotus. It is straints which had before been imposed on the probable that Solon remained for several years alienation of property, and permitted the child- at Athens, to observe the practical effect of his less testator to leave his estate out of his own institutions, and to second their operation by family and house, which anciently had an inde- his personal influence. He was undoubtedly feasible claim to the vacant inheritance. well aware how little the letter of a political system can avail until its practice has become familiar, and its principles have gained a hold on the opinions and feelings of the people, and that this must be a gradual process, and liable to interruption and disturbance. Hence it could not greatly disappoint or afflict him to hear voices raised from time to time against himself, and to perceive that his views were not fully or generally comprehended. But he may at length have thought prudent to retire for a season from the public eye, the better to maintain his dignity and popularity; and as he himself declared that age, while it crept upon him, still found him continually learning, we need not be surprised if, at an unusually late period of life, he set out on a long course of travels.

It is not certain how far Solon may have deserved the praise of introducing the humane aws whien, in Attica, mitigated the lot of the slave. The peculiar causes which rendered his condition there generally less wretched than in most other parts of Greece arose in later times. But he was early entitled to claim the protection of the law against the cruelty of a brutal master, who might be compelled to transfer him to another owner. As little are we able to determine whether the legislator expressly sanctioned, or only tacitly permitted, that horrible barbarity in the treatment of these unhappy beings, which is one of the foulest stains on the manners of Greece, though common to it with the rest of the ancient world, and one with which few nations of modern Europe have a right to reproach it. It is to be feared that he recognised and approved of the atrocious abuse to which the slave was subject in the Athenian courts, where, at the discretion of either of the parties, evidence might be wrung from him by torture, without even the excuse of necessity, or of so much as a probable advantage; for though he might be willing to offer it freely, it was rejected as worthless until it had been sifted by the rack. There is the less reason to doubt that in this respect Solon did not rise above the prejudices of his age and country, as even resident aliens were exposed to the same treatment, though, in their case at least, policy as well as humanity should have induced him to prohibit it.

Solon was not one of those reformers who dream that they have put an end to innovation,

On his return he found that faction had been actively labouring to pervert and undo his work. The three parties of the plain, the coast, and the highlands had revived their ancient feuds, though the grounds of their mutual animosity could not have been the same as before, and perhaps were almost reduced to a name, which, however, would serve the purpose of their lead ers as well as more solid objects of contention. The first of these parties was now headed by Lycurgus, the second by Megacles, a grandson of the archon who brought the stain and curse upon his house, the third by Pisistratus, son of

* *Αξονες, κύρβεις. According to some authors, the ἄξονες contained the civil laws; kúpbus, the canon, or laws per taining to religion. Plut., Sol., 25.

+ Pollux, viii., 128. Ephialtes is said to have been the author of this measure. Harpocrat., d kárwůεv vopos. The Prytaneum, in later times, stood below the Acropolis, near the dyopá.-Pausan., i., 18, 3. But the most ancient must have stood on the Acropolis, and it seems to have been there that Solon's laws were deposited. Perhaps their removal was only a natural consequence of the erection of a new Prytaneum on the lower site in th time of Pericles

Hippocrates, the kinsman of Solon, and the and felt. He made no visible changes in the friend of his youth, whom we have already seen Constitution, but suffered the ordinary magissupporting Solon's measures by his eloquence trates to be appointed in the usual manner, the and his military talents. Solon had early de-tribunals to retain their authority, and the laws tected the secret designs of Pisistratus, and is to hold their course. In his own person he afsaid to have observed of him, that nothing but fected the demeanour of a private citizen, and his ambition prevented him from displaying the displayed his submission to the laws by appearhighest qualities of a man and a citizen. But ing before the Areopagus to answer a charge it was in vain that he endeavoured to avert the of murder, which, however, the accuser did not danger which he 'saw threatened by the struggle think fit to prosecute.* He continued to show of the factions, and used all his influence to rec- honour to Solon, to court his friendship, and oncile their chiefs. This was the more diffi- ask his advice, which Solon did not think himcult, because the views of all were perhaps self bound to withhold where it might be useful equally selfish, and none was so conscious of to his country, lest he should appear to sanction his own sincerity as to rely on the professions the usurpation which he had denounced. He of the others. Pisistratus is said to have listen- probably looked upon the government of Pisised respectfully to Solon's remonstrances, but tratus, though at variance with the principles he waited only for an opportunity of executing of his constitution, as a less evil than would his project. He had resolved to renew the en- have ensued from the success of either of the terprise of Cylon, in which his illustrious birth, other parties; and even as a good, so far as it eminent abilities, and winning manners, and the prevented them from acquiring a similar prepopularity he had acquired by his munificence ponderance. Still, it must have been with towards the poorer citizens, gave him a better mournful feelings that he viewed a state of prospect of success. His schemes also were things in which such an alternative could seem more artfully laid. When they appeared to be the best, and certainly can have set little value ripe for action, he was one day drawn in a on a liberty which had no security but the modchariot into the public place, his own person eration of one man. It is not certain how long and his mules disfigured with recent wounds, he survived this inroad upon his institutions : inflicted, as the sequel proved, by his own hand, one account,† apparently the most authentic, which he showed to the multitude, while he places his death in the year following that in told them that on his way into the country he which the revolution took place (B.C. 559). had narrowly escaped a band of assassins, who The leisure of his retirement from public life had been employed to murder the friend of the was to the last devoted to the Muses; and, if people. While the indignation of the crowd we might trust Plato's assertions on such subwas fresh, and from all sides assurances were jects, he was engaged at the time of his death heard that they would defend him against his in the composition of a great poem, in which he enemies, an assembly was called by his parti- had designed to describe the flourishing state sans, in which one of them, named Aristo, came of Attica before the Ogygian flood, and to celeforward with a motion that a guard of fifty citi- brate the wars which it waged with the inhabzens, armed with clubs, should be decreed to itants of the vast island which afterward sank protect the person of Pisistratus. Solon, the in the Atlantic Ocean. On the fragments of only man who ventured to oppose this proposi- this poem preserved in the family, Plato, himtion, warned the assembly of its pernicious con- self a descendant of Solon, professes to have sequences. But as all those who were not blind founded a work which he left unfinished, but in to the danger shrank from facing it, his argu- which he had meant to exhibit his imaginary ments were unavailing, and the body-guard was state in life and action. It is certainly not imdecreed. The smallness of its numbers and the probable that Solon, when the prospects of his simplicity of its weapon may have seemed suf- country became gloomy, and his own political ficent security that it would be applied to no career was closed, indulged his imagination other purpose than that of necessary defence. with excursions into an ideal world, where he But the people, which eagerly passed the decree, may have raised a social fabric as unlike as did not keep a jealous eye upon the mode of its possible to the reality which he had before his execution, and Pisistratus took advantage of eyes at home, and perhaps suggested by what it to raise a force which enabled him to inake he had seen or heard in Egypt. It is only imhimself master of the citadel. Perhaps his par-portant to observe that the fact, if admitted, tisans represented this as a necessary precau- can lead to no safe conclusions as to his abtion, to guard it against the enemies of the peo-stract political principles, and can still less be ple. Megacles and the Alemæonids left the allowed to sway our judgment on the design city. Solon, after an ineffectual attempt to and character of his institutions. rouse his countrymen against the growing power which was making such rapid strides towards tyranny, is said to have taken down his arms, and laid them in the street before his door, as a sign that he had made his last effort in the cause of liberty and the laws. Lycurgus and his party seem to have submitted quietly for a time to the authority of Pisistratus, waiting, asii., p. 28) of his forbearance towards a youth who had taken the event showed, for a more favourable opportunity of overthrowing him.

The usurper was satisfied with the substance of power, and endeavoured, as much as possible, to prevent his dominion from being seen

Pisistratus did not long retain his power. The party of Lycurgus, discovering that singly it was not strong enough to attack him, entered into a coalition with the exiled Alemæonids, and their united forces compelled him to leave

*An anecdote is related in Diodorus (Mai, Vet. Script., walking in a public procession. Plutarch, Apophth., gives a the liberty of saluting his beautiful daughter as she was

different version of the story.

+ That of Phanias of Lesbos. Heraclides Pont. asserted

that he lived much longer. Phanias seems to have been

more accurate in his dates, and his account is in itself the most probable. See Clinton's F. H., ii., p 301.

Pisistratus, restored to power, nominally per formed his part of the compact by marrying the daughter of Megacles, but it was soon discovered that he had no intention of really uniting his blood with a family which was commonly thought to be struck with an everlasting curse, and that he treated his young wife as one only in name. The Alemæonids were indignant at the affront and at the breach of faith, and once more they determined to make common cause with the party of Lycurgus. Once more the balance inclined against Pisistratus, and, unable to resist the combined force of his adversaries, he retired into exile to Eretria in Euboea. Here he deliberated with his sons whether he should not abandon all thoughts of returning to Attica. They appear to have been divided in their wishes or opinions, but Hippias, the eldest, prevailed on his father again to make head against his enemies. He possessed lands on the River Strymon in Thrace, which yielded a

Athens. But they had soon occasion to per- | which increases the inprobability of the view ceive how formidable he continued to be after which Herodotus takes of the story, but which, this defeat; for when his property was exposed as we know nothing with certainty of her preto public sale, no one could be found bold enough vious rank,* may have been perfectly natural to bid for it but Callias, an ancestor of the cele- on the other. brated Alcibiades.* The two factions had no sooner accomplished the object of their temporary union, than they began to quarrel for the prize which they had wrested from their common enemy, and at the end of five years, Megacles, finding himself the weakest, made overtures of reconciliation to Pisistratus, and offered to bestow on him the hand of his daughter Cosyra, and to assist him in recovering the station he had lost. As Herodotus describes the bargain, Megacles sent to know whether Pisistratus would take his daughter, on condition of being reinstated in the tyranny. Megacles was probably desirous of the match, because the old stain still clung to his house, and he hoped that it might be effaced by the lustre of the new alliance. Pisistratus accepted the proposal, though he was now long past the prime of life, and the father of three sons and a daughter by a former marriage. When the contract was concluded, the two parties concerted a plan for executing the main condition, the restoration of Pisistra-large revenue, and his interest was strong in tus. For this purpose Herodotus supposes them several Greek cities, especially at Thebes and to have devised an artifice, which excites his Argos. He now exerted it to the utmost to astonishment at the simplicity of the people on gather contributions towards his projected enwhom it was practised, and which appears to terprise: the Thebans distinguished themselves him to degrade the national character of the by the liberality of their subsidies. By the end Greeks, who, he observes, had of old been dis- of ten years he had completed his preparations; tinguished from the barbarians by their superior a body of mercenaries was brought to him from sagacity. Yet in itself the incident seems nei- Argos, and Lygdamis, one of the most powerful ther very extraordinary nor a proof that the men in the Isle of Naxos, came to his aid, with contrivers reckoned on an enormous measure all the troops and money he could raise. In of credulity in their countrymen. In one of the the eleventh or twelfth year after his last exAttic villages they found a woman, Phya by pulsion he set sail from Eretria, and landed on name, of unusually high stature, and comely the plain of Marathon, to recover his sovereignform and features. Having arrayed her in a ty by open force. The two adverse parties complete suit of armour, and instructed her to were firmly united by their common interest maintain a carriage becoming the part she was and the deadly hatred of the Alemæonids; but to assume, they placed her in a chariot, and their government was not popular, and Pisistrasent heralds before her to the city, who pro- tus had many friends in the country and in claimed that Athené herself was bringing back Athens, who, on his arrival, flocked to his camp. Pisistratus to her own citadel, and exhorted the His enemies, who had viewed his preparations Athenians to receive the favourite of the god- with supine indifference, now hastily collected dess with good-will. Pisistratus rode by the their forces and marched to meet him. But woman's side. When they reached the city, they showed as little of vigilance and activity the Athenians, according to Herodotus, believ- in the field, as of forethought in their counsels. ing that they saw the goddess in person, adored The two armies were encamped near each othher, and received Pisistratus. This story would er, and not far from Athens. At noon, when indeed be singular, if we consider the expedi- the Athenians from the city, after their meal, ent in the light of a stratagem, on which the had turned, some to dice, others to sleep, Pisisconfederates relied for overcoming the resist- tratus suddenly fell upon the camp, killed many, ance which they might otherwise have expect- and put the rest to a complete rout. This first ed from their adversaries. But it seems quite success he followed up by a step which showed as probable that the pageant was only designed a spirit worthy of his fortune. Instead of pushto add extraordinary solemnity to the entrance ing his troops forward, to deal slaughter among of Pisistratus, and to suggest the reflection that the flying enemy, he sent his sons on horseback it was by the especial favour of Heaven he had to overtake the fugitives, and proclaim a genbeen so unexpectedly restored. The new coali-eral amnesty on condition of their dispersing tion must have rendered all resistance hopeless. As the procession passed, the populace no doubt gazed, some in awe, all in wonder; but there is no reason to think that the result would have been different if they had all seen through the artifice. Pisistratus is said to have rewarded Phya for her services by giving her in marriage to his son Hipparchus-a kind of recompense * Her., vi., 121.

quietly to their homes. The leaders of the hos tile factions now found themselves deserted by all but their most zealous adherents, who, with them, abandoned the city, and left Pisistratus undisputed master of Athens.

What he had so hardly won, he prepared to

According to Athen., xiii., p. 609, she was a garlandseller. If so, it is hard to believe that Pisistratus married her to his son.

*

hold henceforward with a firmer grasp. He no| Olympian Jove, of which he only lived to com. longer relied on the affections of the common plete the substructions, and which remained un people, but took a body of foreign mercenaries finished for 700 years, exciting the wonder, ar d mto constant pay, and seizing the children of sometimes the despair of posterity, by the vastsome of the principal citizens, who had not made ness of the design, in which it surpassed every their escape, and whom he suspected of being other that the ancient world ever raised in hon ill-disposed towards him, he sent them to Nax- our of the father of the gods. Among the monos, which he had reduced under the power of uments in which splendour and usefulness were his friend Lygdamis, to be kept as hostages. equally combined, was the Lyceum, a garden at Among the exiles was Cimon, the father of the a short distance from Athens, sacred to the Lycelebrated Miltiades. He afterward obtained cian Apollo, where stately buildings, destined permission to return to Athens, on condition of for the exercises of the Athenian youth, rose transferring to Pisistratus the honour of a vic- amid shady groves, which became one of the tory which he had gained in the chariot race at most celebrated haunts of philosophy, and the Olympia. He appears to have maintained a fountain of Callirhoe, which, from the new chanconsiderable naval force; for, besides the con- nels in which Pisistratus distributed its waters, quest of Naxos, he engaged in another expedi- was afterward called the fountain of the Nine' tion in a more distant quarter, the object of Springs.* To defray the expense of these and which may have been partly to provide a place his other undertakings, he laid a tithe on the of retreat for his family against any new turn produce of the land: an impost which seems to of fortune, but which was, no doubt, principally have excited great discontent in the class affectdesigned to increase his reputation and popular- ed by it, and, so far as it was applied to the pubity at home. He revived the claim of the Athe- lic buildings, was, in fact, a tax on the rich for nians to the town of Sigeum on the Hellespont, the employment of the poor; but which, if we which was then in the possession of the Mity- might trust a late and obscure writer, was only lenæans, but to which the Athenians pretended revived by Pisistratus after the example of the a title grounded on their supposed share in the ancient kings of Attica. He is also believed Trojan war. Already, about half a century be- to have been the author of a wise and beneficent fore, it had been the subject of war between the law, which Solon, however, is said to have sugsame cities, memorable for the victory which gested, for supporting citizens disabled in war the sage Pittacus gained in single combat, by a at the public expense. According to a tradition new device,† over the Athenian general Phry- once very generally received, posterity has been no, and for a defeat of the Mitylenæans, in indebted to him for a benefit greater than any which the poet Alcæus left his shield a trophy which he conferred on his contemporaries, in to the enemy. This war had been terminated the preservation of the Homeric poems, which by the mediation of Periander, the ruler of till now had been scattered in unconnected rhapCorinth, who awarded Sigeum to Athens. Pi- sodies. After every abatement that can be resistratus now took it from the Mitylenæans, quired in this story for misunderstanding and and committed it to the keeping of his bastard exaggeration, we cannot doubt that Pisistratus son Hegesistratus, who successfully defended at least made a collection of the poet's works, it against their long-continued attacks. As the superior in extent and accuracy to all that had ruler of Athens, the chief city of the Ionian preceded it, and thus certainly diffused the name, Pisistratus undertook the purification of knowledge of them more widely among his Delos, which was enjoined by an oracle, and countrymen, perhaps preserved something that was effected by the removal of all the bodies might have been lost to future generations. In that had been buried within sight of the temple either case, he may claim the same merit as a of Apollo. At home he still preserved the forms lover of literature; and this was not a taste of Solon's institutions, and courted popularity which derived any part of its gratification from by munificent largesses, and by throwing open the vanity of exclusive possession. He is said his gardens to the poorer citizens. At the to have been the first person in Greece who same time he tightened the reins of govern- | collected a library, and to have earned a still ment, and he appears to have made use of the higher praise by the genuine liberality with authority of the Areopagus to maintain a rig-which he imparted its contents to the public. orous police. He enforced Solon's law, which required every citizen to give an account of his means of gaining a subsistence, and punished idleness; and hence, by some, he was supposed to have been the author of it. It afforded him a pretext for removing from the city a great number of the poorer sort, who had no regular employment, and for compelling them to engage in rural occupations, in which, however, he assisted the indigent with his purse. The same policy prompted him, no less, perhaps, than his love for the arts, to adorn Athens with many useful or magnificent works. Among the latter was a temple of Apollo, and one dedicated to the

* See p. 154.

+ Pittacus came, it is said, into the field armed with a casting net, a trident, and a dagger. He first entangled, and then despatched his antagonist. Athen., xii., 44. §Ælian., ix., 25, says he supplied them with cattle and sced.

On the whole, though we cannot approve of the steps by which he mounted to power, we must own that he made a princely use of it; and may believe that, though under his dynasty Athens could never have risen to the greatness she afterward attained, she was indebted to his rule for a season of repose, during which she gained much of that strength which she finally unfolded. Pisistratus retained his sovereignty to the end of his life, and died at an advanced age, thirty-three years after his first usurpation * Εννεάκρουνος.

†The letter of Pisistratus to Solon in Diog. Laert., i. 53. There is an anecdote on this subject in Diodorts, Mai, ii., p. 28. Pisistratus sees a man at work on some poor, rug ged ground on Hymettus, and sends to inquire what his land yields him. The man answers, toil and trouble (Kakas odúvas), but that he does not mind, so long as Pisistratus has his share of the produce (Tourwy To μipos ПeoloтPÁTY didóval.) Pisistratus laughs, and takes the tax off from his land; whence the proverb οἳ σφακελοὶ ποιοῦσιν ἀτέλειαν

(B.C. 527). His power was so firmly rooted | having recalled the happiness cf the golden age, that his sons, Hippias, Hipparchus, and Thes- seems almost justified by the sober praise of salus, succeeded him in the government with- Thucydides, when he says that these tyrants out any opposition. The authority of Thucyd- most diligently cultivated virtue and wisdom. ides seems sufficient to prove that Hippias was The country was flourishing, the people, if not the eldest, though his reasons are not of them- perfectly contented, was certainly not impatient selves convincing, and the current opinion in of the yoke, and their rule seemed likely to last his own day gave the priority to Hipparchus.* for at least another generation, when an event As the eldest, Hippias would take his father's occurred which changed at once the whole asplace at the head of affairs; but the three pect of the government, and led to its premabrothers appear to have lived in great unanimi- ture overthrow. ty together, and to have co-operated with little outward distinction in the administration of the state. Their characters are described as very different from each other. Hippias seems to have possessed the largest share of the qualities of a statesman. Hipparchus inherited his father's literary taste; but he was addicted to pleasure, and perhaps to amusements not becoming the dignity of his station;t of Thessalus, the youngest, we hear only that he was a high-spirited youth. The successors of Pisistratus for some years trod in his steps and prosecuted his plans. They seem to have directed their attention to promote the internal prosperity of the country, and the cultivation of letters and arts. One of their expedients for the latter purpose, the credit of which seems to have belonged principally to Hipparchus, was to erect a number of Hermæ, or stone busts of Mercury, along the side of the roads leading from the capital, inscribed on one side with an account of the distance which it marked, on the other with a moral sentence in verse, probably the composition of Hipparchus himself, though he often received the first poets of the age under his roof. To him also is ascribed the establishment of the order in which the Homeric poems continued in after times to be publicly recited at the Panathenaic festival. The brothers imitated the sage policy of their father, in dropping the show of power as much as was consistent with a prudent regard to securing the substance. Yet it seems that they were not scrupulous about the means they employed to get rid of persons who had incurred their resentment or roused their jealousy; for Herodotus relates as a notorious fact, that Cimon, after he had been restored, as we have seen, by Pisistratus, was murdered by assassins who were hired by his sons. They kept up a standing force of foreign mercenaries; but they made no change in the laws or the forms of the Constitution, only taking care to fill the most important offices with their own friends. They even reduced the tax imposed by Pisistratus to a twentieth, and, without laying on any fresh burdens, provided for the exigencies of the state, and continued the great works which their father had begun. The language of a later writer, who speaks of their dominion as

The names of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, the persons who indirectly brought about this revolution, have been immortalized by the ignorant or prejudiced gratitude of the Athenians; in any other history they would, perhaps, have been consigned to oblivion, and would certainly never have become the themes of panegyric. Aristogeiton was a citizen of the middle rank; Harmodius, a youth distinguished by the comeliness of his person; they were both sprung from a house supposed to have been of Phoenician origin, were, perhaps, remotely allied to one another by blood, and were united by ties of the closest intimacy. The youth had received an outrage from Hipparchus, which, in a better state of society, would have been deemed the grossest that could be offered to him: it roused, however, not so much his resentment as the fears of his friend, lest Hipparchus should abuse his power to repeat and aggravate the insult. But Hipparchus, whose pride had been wounded by the conduct of Harmodius, contented himself with a less direct mode of revenge, an affront aimed not at his person, but at the honour of his family. By his orders the sister of Harmodius was invited to take part in a procession, as bearer of one of the sacred vessels. When she presented herself in her festal dress, she was publicly rejected and dismissed as unworthy of the honour. This insult stung Harmodius to the quick, and kindled the indignation of Aristogeiton: they resolved not only to wash it out in the blood of the offender, but to engage in the desperate enterprise, which had already been suggested by different motives to the thoughts of Aristogeiton, of overthrowing the ruling dynasty. They communicated their plan to a few friends, who promised their assistance, but they hoped that, as soon as the first blow was struck, they should be joined by numbers, who would joyfully seize the opportunity of recovering their freedom. The conspirators fixed on the festival of the great Panathenæa as the most convenient season for effecting their purpose. The festival was celebrated with a procession, in which the citi zens marched armed with spears and shields, and was the only occasion on which, in time of peace, they could assemble under arms without exciting suspicion. It was agreed that Harmodius and Aristogeiton should give the signal by stabbing Hippias, while their friends kept off his guards, and that they should trust to the general disposition in favour of liberty for the farther success of their undertaking. When the day came, the conspirators armed themselves with daggers, which they concealed Pseudo-Plato in Hipparch. and Harpocratio. Tpiképa in the myrtle boughs which were carried on this occasion. But while Hippias, surrounded

*Kreuser, Rhaps., p. 209, assumes that Thucydides is mistaken, without condescending to assign any reason. It is probable that what Idomeneus, in Athen., xii., p. 532, related of both the elder brothers, applied, so far as it was well founded, principally to Hipparchus. Heracl., p. 1, calls him παιδιώδης, as well as ερωτικος and φιλόμουσος. | Heracl. P., Spacus.

λος.

Who seem, according to Aristotle (in the Scholiast of Aristoph., Lys., 664), to have been distinguished by a uniform from which they acquired the name of Wolves'-fect (Λυκόποδες).

Perhaps by a part of the younger citizens, as oliveThe author of the Hipparchus, p. 229. | branches were by the old men, though it does not appear